• This is Zikoko Citizen’s Game of Votes weekly dispatch that helps you dig into all the good, bad, and extremely bizarre stuff happening in Nigeria and why they’re important to you.

    Subscribe now to get the newsletter in your email inbox at 8 am every Friday instead of three days later. Don’t be LASTMA

    Doyin Okupe Resignation Sanwo-olu Meffy

    The Rivers state governor, Nyesom Wike, is one of the Nigerian politicians that should get an honorary degree in Theatre Arts. A word many would ascribe to him is “drama,” and in the days leading up to the 2023 elections, this has proved very true. 

    Wike was one of the presidential aspirant of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), but lost to Atiku Abubakar in the primaries. However, Wike hasn’t taken this defeat lying down. Instead, he has sabotaged PDP’s presidential campaign in every way he can. 

    Asides from leading a rebellion against the PDP leadership with his aso-ebi boys, the G-5 governors consisting of Seyi Makinde (Oyo State), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia State), Samuel Ortom (Benue State) and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu State); he also cancelled Atiku’s presidential rally in Rivers state under the guise of them lacking the capacity to fill the stadium. 

    But, despite his mean-spirited attacks on his party, he hasn’t openly declared support for another candidate. However, some third-party informants say he has thrown his weight behind Bola Tinubu, the presidential candidate of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). 

    After months of trying to let peace reign, Atiku has finally had enough. In a statement on February 22, 2023, he called out the Rivers state governor, describing him as “a con man and a chicken hiding under the costume of a lion”. He also accused him of planning to use violence in the state to hand Tinubu the win. Looking back at everything Wike has put the PDP through in this election period, you can’t help but wonder if he’s really all bark and no bite. If he’s truly displeased with the party, why not defect to a different one? In January, he said he’d be announcing his preferred presidential candidate, but it’s one day before the presidential elections, and we’ve not heard a beep from him. 

    2023 Wike Atiku PDP Chef robs

    Is he shying away from supporting his candidate with his full chest, or is he playing chess while we’re stuck on checker’s? 

    What else happened this week?

    2023 Wike Atiku PDP Chef robs

    The chef who’s a serial robber gets caught

    Like the song goes, “Crazy things are happening”. Nigerians have been trying to survive the government since we crossed into this year, and now it looks like we have to be extra watchful with other Nigerians.

    2023 Wike Atiku PDP Chef robs

    On February 23, 3023, the Lagos State Police Command arrested and detained a cook, Wilfred Amoussou, under the suspicion of drugging and robbing his employers. Allegedly, this isn’t Wilfred’s first rodeo as he has done this to many victims over the years, particularly in the Ikoyi, Parkview and Banana Island axis.

    2023 needs a restart button because, so far, it’s not giving.

    Video of the week

    Question of the week

    The Supreme court adjourned the case again against the Naira redesign to March 3. Do you still think they can help us in our fight against Meffy? 

    Ehen one more thing…

    It’s one day to the presidential and national assembly elections. You can check the results as they are being released live, here or join our WhatsApp community to get updates, fact-checks, and talk to other voters. 

  • Ever since Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike lost the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) presidential ticket to Atiku Abubakar, the man has seemingly had only one mission — make Atiku’s campaign a living hell.

    What has Wike not done to achieve this goal? From catchy Atiku diss tracks with his merry live band, to publicly flirting with other presidential candidates such as Bola Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peter Obi of the Labour Party, Wike has gone to all lengths to disgrace Atiku.

    But his most effective weapon seems to be the G5. What is the G5, how successful has it been, and where is the G5 now?

    Meet the G5

    The G5 Governors [The Cable]

    ‘The G5’ are a group of five high-profile governors in the PDP that have gone rogue and no longer support their party’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar.

    This is due to their belief that the PDP’s regional composition is biased against the South, with a Northern presidential candidate and a Northern party chairman, Iyorchia Ayu. Thus, they’ve only had one condition for supporting Atiku — Ayu should step down as party chairman and let a Southerner have his place.

    Atiku Abubakar and Iyorchia Ayu


    But Ayu has refused to budge from his PDP throne, and Atiku has begged the G5 to reconsider, as he does not have the authority to sack him outright.

    But the G5 are refusing to let the sleeping dogs lie, and left the Atiku support train. Even three of these governors have been reported to fully endorse Peter Obi. 

    The G5 governors are Nyesom Wike of Rivers State (the ringleader), Samuel Ortom (Benue State), Seyi Makinde (Oyo State), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia State) and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu State).

    Get More Zikoko Goodness in Your Mail

    Subscribe to our newsletters and never miss any of the action



    It would be worth noting that Wike has already served his full tenure as Rivers State governor while other governors are running for second terms or senate seats in their respective states.

    How successful has the G5 been?

    The answer is not quite.

    Since the emergence of the group in September 2022, they have only been seen making fashion statements with their uniforms at public events and fleeting between war and reconciliation talks with PDP leadership. And even those have not been happening recently.

    Their chances of swaying the polls ahead of the 2023 elections have drastically reduced. This is due to Obi’s growing influence amongst citizens of their states, with opinion polls such as Bloomberg giving the candidate’s chances of winning as high as 60%. 

    Worst of all, the G5 governors seem to be losing their resolve on hating Atiku. 

    Ugwuanyi, for instance, recently welcomed Atiku to Enugu state, where he had a rally. Today, Seyi Makinde’s wingman, Hosea Agboola, just became chairman of Atiku’s presidential council in Oyo State. And even Benue governor, Samuel Ortom, attended Atiku’s Benue rally on February 7. This was with his full entourage consisting of the deputy governor, aides and even local government chairmen.

    This has caused many to speculate that their agenda is ‘dead’, according to a member of the PDP Presidential Campaign.

    What’s Next for the G5?

    However, Wike has come out to assure the public that their reign of terror is not yet over. According to him, the group is yet to release their February 25 election strategy

    Will the G5 cause havoc on Election Day? Or will the will of the people be affirmed? We will know on February 25.

    Join the Citizen Situation Room and Helpline on WhatsApp today to get real-time gist and drama on the 2023 elections.

  • For Navigating Nigeria this week, Citizen spoke to Ose Anenih, son of former minister and chairman of the Board of Trustees of the PDP, Anthony Anenih. He’s a member of the PDP presidential campaign council and deputy director for polling. He spoke on various issues including his party’s chances, the breakaway G5, PDP fumbling the bag, and why he thinks Peter Obi’s campaign would’ve never taken off without EndSARS.

    Editorial Note: Navigating Nigeria is a platform for Nigerians to passionately discuss policies and politics with little interference to individual opinions. While our editorial standards emphasise the truth and we endeavour to fact-check claims and allegations, we do not bear any responsibility for allegations made about other people that are founded in half-truths.

    Icebreaker. Have you ever seen any of Citizen’s work?

    I have. I feel like I’m Daniel walking into the lion’s den because of your work and because of your audience. Most of your readers might see politicians as the antithesis of everything they stand for. I’m hoping you guys will be gentle.

    Haha. Off the bat, could you answer whether you have any relations to the late Chief Tony Anenih, a legend of Nigerian politics?

    He’s my dad, yes.

    Wonderful. Your dad was a former minister under President Obasanjo yes?

    Former minister of works. My dad and Anthony Enahoro — who moved the motion for independence — come from the same community. There must be something in the water.

    Lol. Tell us, what was growing up like? 

    We always grew up around politics. My mum is a politician and a former minister of women affairs as well. One of my earliest childhood memories was during a meeting held in our living room in Benin. I peeked out the door and saw Shehu Shagari, the then president. He had come to Benin for a visit and we hosted him.

    Bragging rights

    I’m from a polygamous home and we grew up politicking. Politics is in my blood. I’m, however, more than just a politician. I’m a hotelier and businessman. My brother and I run a property development company which pays the bills while we go about trying to convince people to vote for us.

    Before your dad passed, he was chairman board of trustees (BOT) of the PDP, correct?

    He was chairman in 2015. After we lost that election, he stepped down and adopted an elder statesman role.

    Did your dad influence your journey into politics under the PDP?

    Yes and no. I say yes and no because on one hand you have to join a political party. It could have been NNPP, LP or APC. On the other hand I know a lot of these people because I interact with them across divides. I feel a sense of fellowship with them and know what they believe in. So in deciding what party to belong to I asked myself which community I’d like to work out of and I picked the PDP.

    I like the PDP’s ideology. We’re progressive and pro-business. I’m a firm advocate of free speech which is something my party also believes in so it was natural for me to work with the PDP. 

    We made some mistakes in the past but looking forward, our party’s Nigeria’s best choice for prosperity, security and growth.

    Supporters of other parties won’t agree with this assertion. Why should Nigerians give your party, not just your candidate, another chance at leadership?

    I’m a fan of Kingsley Moghalu and I read his books. He’s one of the best presidential candidates I’ve ever seen. I’ve interacted with him and interrogated his ideas and he’s solid. But, he always seems to pick parties that don’t appreciate what he brings to the table or stand no chance of winning. I say this to highlight that you can’t separate a candidate from its party.

    When we took over from the military in 1999, we had an almost negative GDP growth. We grew it to 15 per cent in 2002. I can point to that to say we’ve been in a similar situation as we are now where we’re bankrupt, there’s insecurity and skyrocketing inflation. The PDP fixed that then and did it within three years. One of the stewards of that success, Atiku, is vying for the top office today.

    We did some stuff that was great, but we also made mistakes. The beauty of Nigerian democracy is that in 2015 Nigerians clearly showed they can punish bad behaviour. However, they were only able to do that because the PDP produced a candidate that allowed free and fair elections. 

    Jonathan signed a presidential amendment to the Electoral Act a few weeks before the election and it was that same amendment that kicked him out of office.

    My worry going into the 2023 election is, on one hand we have a ruling party that doesn’t have a democratic bone in it and on the other hand a divided opposition who if they don’t band together, will find it difficult to unseat a ruling party desperate to hold on to power.

    But Buhari signed the Electoral Act into law which has benefited your party. For example, governor Adeleke’s emergence in Osun. What do you say to that?

    If Buhari had signed it in 2018, my applause for him would’ve been more enthusiastic. Right now he has no skin in the game as he’s not contesting. He did it in pursuit of a legacy. He wants to be remembered as the president that advanced our democratic process. If he was sincere he’d have signed it in 2018. All he’ll get from me is a one-handed clap.

    You spoke of mistakes your party made. One which many people have talked about is the emergence of Atiku who’s of Fulani ethnicity to replace Buhari who’s also Fulani. How do you respond to those who say it’s unfair?

    I ran for the PDP primaries to contest for the House of Representatives (HOR). Bro, if you see my manifesto ehn? I had a beautiful manifesto. I had a campaign team which was structured off of Obama’s when he ran in 2008. We were everywhere on social media including Twitter and WhatsApp. My constituency has 21 wards and we covered everywhere. Went to the markets and broke kola with everyone. 

    Omo, on the day of the primaries hahahaha. That day the conversation wasn’t about manifestoes. It was about what was in the best interest of my community. I was running for HOR and my community also had someone running for Senate. My delegates, people for whom I hired a bus to take to the venue, decided that they were better off having someone in the Senate than in the HOR.

    Chai, that must have hurt

    That’s the dark underbelly of politics. In the end these things come down to negotiations. You may not like it but as a democrat you should accept it. I wasn’t rigged out. 

    I say this to answer your question. Democracy isn’t perfect. The PDP presidential primaries had Wike, Atiku, Saraki and a host of others. There was a lot of horse-trading and in the end the delegates said Atiku was the best choice. The primaries weren’t rigged. Delegates across the nation came together to form a consensus on Atiku.

    I hear people talk about fairness a lot and it makes me cringe. When you begin to have these ethnic arguments under the guise of equity and fairness it becomes problematic. Because you’re setting a precedent that we’d put ethnicity and religion over character, competence and a track record. The threats we face today from insecurity, displaced people, out-of-school children are markers of state failure. Ethnicity or religion won’t solve this.

    So to answer the question of if it’s fair my Twitter bio reads, “It’s not fair, it’s politics.” 

    That’s interesting, because Atiku himself has slammed the APC’s Muslim-Muslim ticket and called for a “balanced” ticket. Doesn’t this contradict your previous point?

    Speaking for myself now, let’s not deceive ourselves. Tinubu is a Yoruba Muslim. How can he pick a northern Christian if he’s serious about winning an election? Elections have historically been determined by bloc votes from the northeast and northwest. When Tinubu is looking for a running mate will he aim for competence or for the person most likely to deliver him the most votes?

    So you’re saying Tinubu sacrificed competence for the sake of winning elections?

    What I’m trying to say is, Tinubu was hamstrung from the get-go. Nigeria still has these conversations about where you’re from and who you pray to and Tinubu knows this. If it was a smaller party you could get away with a Christian-Christian or Muslim-Muslim ticket and no one would bat an eye about it. I’m deputy director of polling for the PDP and what shows up in our polls is that people tend to vote along ethnic and tribal lines. So I understand Tinubu’s decision. It was a cold and calculated move although I don’t think he’ll get far with it but I wish him well.

    In 2019 you wrote that the next Nigerian president should be Igbo and you even mentioned Obi. So what changed? Why aren’t you supporting him?

    The arguments I made in that piece are still valid, which was about recognising Nigeria’s diversity. I penned it around calls for secession at the time by Nnamdi Kanu. The thrust of it was that a certain section of the country felt they were still being punished for events from the Civil War which made them feel like they didn’t belong and couldn’t aspire to the highest office.

    These issues aren’t anecdotal, they’re systemic. For instance, the North-East Development Commission (NEDC) was established because of the Boko Haram devastation as well as the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) to deal with the issues in the south-south. You don’t have anything similar in the southeast. This is a region which was the theatre of the Civil War and you don’t have anything set up to fix the infrastructural and physical damage they suffered. That was the background in which that article was written.

    If you’re from the region — my mum is from the southeast — you’ll see how the state pushes back at you or doing tokenistic projects like the Second Niger Bridge. If after eight years the only thing you can give back to an entire region is a bridge, then it’s tokenistic.

    But the PDP ruled for 16 years, how come they didn’t at least deliver on what you say is a tokenistic project?

    That’s a brilliant question. We talk about bubbles of national sentiment and during Jonathan’s time the South-East didn’t feel they were being persecuted. Even though there was Nnamdi Kanu he was more like an irritant. There wasn’t a full blown agitation to leave the country. That only began to rear its head when Buhari got to office and made the “97 per cent, five per cent” remark.

    Fast forward to 2023. Nigeria’s problems have gone beyond giving a certain section of the country a sense of belonging. Yes that too is important, but there has to be a Nigeria before anyone can hope to get a sense of belonging or anything like that. I mentioned earlier that to my mind, Nigeria’s at the edge of state failure. We need to fix that before addressing subnational agitations that are ongoing.

    This brings us back to Obi

    The good thing about the Peter Obi candidacy is it addresses part of that agitation and I absolutely love it. I’m up and about in Abuja and I see people in their isi agu outfits and you can feel the general sense of pride in being Igbo because they’ve put someone who for me is a great candidate. His candidacy has also, to a large extent, doused tensions in the South-East. Agitations have shifted from ”we want to leave” to “this is our guy” which is amazing. 

    So I don’t think overall my position has changed. I just think there’s a list of priorities now brought about by the APC’s bad governance. As a result other more pressing issues have overtaken the sentiments expressed in that article.

    Given the growing support Obi has gathered in the race, do you think the PDP fumbled the bag by not fielding him?

    I think it’s a disservice to your audience to ascribe what’s happening to just Obi,  instead of being the result of a protest movement of young, energised, organised and mobilised Nigerians. 

    Even you could’ve picked up a ticket and if that movement had gotten behind you, we’d be talking about you the way we’re talking about Obi. It’s not about the LP either, which literally doesn’t exist.

    In my village, Uromi, people who contested under the PDP platform and failed to get a ticket were the ones that took up the LP ticket. 

    I don’t think it’s quite the same thing comparing me with Obi, a former governor with experience running a national campaign under the PDP

    I’m saying that between 2019 and 2023, several people have been posturing for president. Wike, Seyi Makinde and even people like Tony Elumelu, Atedo Peterside and Pat Utomi were making the right noises. So it’s not just Obi. Without EndSARS there’d be no Peter Obi.

    Please explain

    We’ve seen youth involvement in politics before. Young people were involved in Buhari’s presidential campaign. What we hadn’t seen before was organised young people working together on a large scale and with efficiency. The first time we saw young people band together to push a political agenda — even though they say it wasn’t politics — was during #EndSARS

    Young people across the nation said they were tired of police brutality and were demanding police reform to the point where the president thought there was a plot to overthrow him.

    I was out of the country on October 20, 2020 and I saw the evil this government did. My heart broke and I worried they’d crushed the spirit of Nigerian youths. So to see that spirit re-emerge now is a brilliant thing to watch even though I’m with the PDP. Although I think they’re backing the wrong horse, the engagement they’ve promoted in our political space has made it worth the while — whether Obi wins or not.

    So I’m saying that if young people hadn’t led campaigns outside of the LP structure, Obi’s movement wouldn’t have gained any traction at all because the LP is struggling to even hold rallies. I’d rather give credit to young people instead of Obi who only left us in May. Obi’s one of us, he’s an old breed politician and not new.

    He just happens to be the tip of the spear of a rebellious movement that wants to transform the country for the better. And I envy him for that. I wish we’d been able to draw that attention to our campaign, we haven’t been able to. 

    So is this you admitting the PDP fumbled the bag?

    If the PDP fumbled the bag it’s not about Obi, it’s that we didn’t appeal enough to the youth demographic. Even the young people say that this isn’t about Obi but about them and their future and I 100% agree.

    You’re part of the PDP presidential campaign council. Give us the amebo, how’s the PDP dealing with the agitations of the breakaway governors of the party, the G5?

    As e dey pain them, e go dey sweet us. Let’s talk real politics. I think they made a tactical error in showing their hand too early. Because it allowed us to ask ourselves how we’d manage if we lost any of the five PDP states. Can we chart a path to the presidency without these states? We spent the last four months developing that pathway to victory. 

    That’s why you still see confidence in our campaigns. Even if we don’t get those states back, we stand a good chance of competing and winning the election. If they’d waited a bit longer and caught us unawares then things would have been different.

    Can you speak more on the grievances of the G5?

    The G5 are saying they aren’t happy because the party appears to be top-heavy. They’re saying the presidential candidate is from the North, national chairman from the North, campaign DG from the North which lacks equity and justice.They want the chairman to step down so a southerner can take over.

    The problem with that is it’s a disingenuous argument. Governor Wike is a lawyer and he knows the PDP constitution. Because of past issues regarding replacing chairmen who step down, we inserted a clause in the constitution. If I, Ose, from Edo state, steps down, someone from my zone will have to replace me. 

    We have a national chairman, Ayu, a deputy chairman one from the North and a deputy chairman two from the South. 

    Here’s the point to understand, Ayu is a middlebelt Christian. Forget the fact that he’s called a northerner. Wike is saying Ayu should step down so that a northerner, a Muslim from the northeast would take over as chairman. How does that address Wike’s agitation?

    Or will Wike also lead another campaign for the deputy chairman one to step down so the next person becomes chairman? It doesn’t work. The proposal made to him was a simple one. We recognise your grievances and we’ll address them as soon as the candidate emerges as president. The chairman will step down.

    There are six principal offices that parties share that are mapped out to the six geopolitical zones. The president, vice president, senate president, speaker of the house, secretary general of the federation and the national chairman. Okowa is already VP and from the south-south. Any imbalances that exist will be addressed when Atiku wins the presidency.

    If…

    Like I explained, our constitution makes it impossible to give him what he wants. Unless he’s asking us to hold another national convention. The irony is, Wike was among those who conducted the last national convention and financed Ayu’s campaign. He was also  among those who moved against the former chairman, Secondus, his kinsman.

    Governor Ortom was a part of the committee that insisted the contest be thrown open without zoning. So it’s all, for want of a nicer word, somehow.

    Hmm

    I’m a politician and I’ve been blessed enough to have personal security when I travel. How many Nigerians can afford that? How many can travel without being kidnapped? I get a huge amount of DMs soliciting help. However, you can’t crowdfund governance or healthcare. So when I see my leader like Wike acting in a manner that allows the APC to continue in office, it concerns me. I also ran for office and lost. The pertinent question is why? I ran to help my people and was willing to set aside my ego and act in a manner that yields positive outcomes. Can you honestly tell me the way Wike is acting is going to help Nigeria? It’s not.

    That’s your opinion

    Well, Wike came to Lagos and endorsed Sanwo-Olu. Let’s be serious. I keep saying that you shouldn’t be involved in a democratic conversation if you’re involved in what happened at Lekki Toll Gate. So how do you come to Lagos and say someone anointed by a godfather and imposed on Lagosians deserves a second term? I don’t get it.

    How do you go and meet with Tinubu? After the last eight years how are they still an option? You asked if we made mistakes, I said yes. 2015 was a referendum on PDP’s 16 years in power. Nigerians said they wanted more and voted us out.

    As a PDP member do you consider this unforgivable?

    Forget my partisanship. I think as a Nigerian it’s a bitter pill to swallow. Beyond the theatrics a lot of us loved Governor Wike because he’s very hardworking. When you have someone you hold in such high regard acting in an emotional, scorched-earth way, it’s a dangerous game to play. It’s the politics of attrition with the lives of 200 million Nigerians.

    What’s the PDP’s plan to woo back young Nigerians disillusioned with the party’s conduct of in-house elections? Case in point, the Banky W experience

    Banky’s an example of how you should take part in politics. His candidacy was initially disputed but he fought for it. He took his case to every single member of the party leadership. Fresh primaries were conducted and he won.

    A lot of people think because they have good plans or went to Harvard they’re entitled to power. Nobody gives you power, you have to take it. That’s why this election is different. Young people are no longer sitting on the fence or waiting for the PDP or APC to cede power to them. They’re going for it.

    On our internal primaries, I think we should adopt direct primaries. Once you have delegates you’re creating a captured structure. Independent candidacy has to become a thing too. If we get into office that’s one of the reforms we’d try to push.

    Is this a promise?

    Yes it is, hold me to that. And not just independent candidacy, diaspora voting as well. We’ve committed to it in our manifesto. It makes no sense that you work abroad, send money here but can’t vote because you’re geographically displaced.

    I want to say because of the youthful audience, that I appreciate their involvement in this conversation. I’m on this platform because I recognise the importance of speaking to that demographic. This isn’t necessarily an appeal to vote for our candidate, I think by this time lots of minds have been made up. 

    This is just to encourage young people to say they’re doing an amazing job. We have lots of youths in our campaign as well. Regardless of the outcome, an Atiku-Okowa presidency will prioritise young people.

    Are you confident in INEC’s ability to conduct free and fair elections this time around?

    Real talk, there’ll be violence. I believe the ruling party will deploy violence in areas they aren’t strong. There’ll also be lots of vote-buying. But, the new Electoral Act and BVAS means this election will be the most transparent and most reflective of public opinion we’ve ever had.  On that score I’m confident that regardless of the outcome, it’ll be representative of the will of the people.

    So kudos to Buhari right?

    Kudos to the INEC chairman. Because BVAS isn’t in the Electoral Act, it’s in INEC’s guidelines. So let’s keep praying for him. As long as BVAS stays in place, I’m confident that we’ll have a free and fair election.

    Does this mean if the outcome doesn’t favour the PDP it won’t seek redress in court?

    You saw what happened in 2015. We lost the election and there were issues with it. But you always have to look at the greater good. I think it was important for us to reinforce not just confidence in INEC but confidence in the electoral process. 

    We could’ve challenged it but the president decided not to and I belong in that school of thought. But I’m speaking for myself, not my candidate. And we don’t know what might happen between now and February 25. But fingers crossed, it all comes good.

    We write the news and track the 2023 elections for citizens by citizens in our weekly newsletter, Game of Votes. Make the subscription of a lifetime here.

  • It’s one month until the presidential election. Almost everyone’s giddy about the prospect of choosing Nigeria’s next President. 

    So it’s fascinating to learn that the two leading parties, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), have commenced court proceedings seeking the disqualification of their opposing principals. 

    This led us to ask, what needs to happen for a candidate to be disqualified from contesting for president? But, before we answer that, let’s see if something like this has happened.

    Is this the first time this is happening?

    No. In the lead-up to the 2015 presidential election, the current president Muhammadu Buhari was at the centre of a certificate scandal

    Section 131 of the Nigerian Constitution covers the qualifications for becoming President

    Subsection (d) reads, “A person shall be qualified to the office of President if he has been educated up to at least school certificate level or its equivalent.” The problem was, despite Buhari’s claim at the time that his school leaving certificate (WAEC) was with the military, they initially denied having it. After much back and forth, Buhari’s academic records were released to the public. However, their authenticity remains an open question.

    What are eligibility requirements to become president?

    The essential requirement needed to be President, not stated in the Constitution or the Electoral Act is money. Lots of it.

    Beyond being a joyful spender, section 131 of the Constitution provides four personal requirements, namely;

    1. You must be a Nigerian citizen by birth
    2. You must be at least 40 years old
    3. You must belong in a political party and sponsored to the office of the President
    4. You must be educated up to at least school certificate level or its equivalent

    So what needs to happen to be disqualified from becoming president?

    Section 137 of the Constitution provides grounds for disqualification to the office of President. Unlike the qualification requirements, this one’s a longer list. A person shall not be qualified for office of the president if they;

    1. Have dual citizenship, although this is subject to the provisions of Section 28 of the Constitution.
    2. Served two terms as President already which excludes Buhari and former president Olusegun Obasanjo.
    3. Have been declared to be a lunatic or of unsound mind by any law in Nigeria. Sounds fair. Nigeria’s hard enough as it is and we don’t want to worsen things by electing a mentally unfit person.
    4. Are under a death sentence, or sentenced to prison for fraud. 
    5. Are convicted of fraud or dishonesty less than ten years before the election date.
    6. Have been declared bankrupt. Because someone who can’t manage their own affairs shouldn’t be trusted to manage that of a country.
    7. Haven’t resigned from any public office at least 30 days before the election.
    8. Belong in a secret society. Because why?
    9. Have been indicted for embezzlement or fraud by a judicial commission or tribunal.
    10. Present a forged certificate to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    How likely is it for anyone to be disqualified at this point?

    There have been allegations of corruption and forgery levelled against the top two parties both within and outside. Aspirants have the right to challenge the results of primaries as provided in Section 29 of the Electoral Act.  

    However, INEC, as an umpire, has limits on how it can intervene. For example, in 2019, a federal high court in Abuja in a case between the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in Kogi State and INEC, ruled against INEC saying it had no power to disqualify a candidate that its party has cleared. 

    There’s good reason to believe that despite court cases springing up this late, the presidential candidates may still have to slug it out at the polls on February 25. 

    Ultimately, the people will pass judgment with their ballots.

    We write the news and track the 2023 elections for citizens by citizens in our weekly newsletter, Game of Votes. Make the subscription of a lifetime here.

  • It’s been seven months since the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, dropped his manifesto.

    Like the OG presidential candidate he is, he didn’t have to write a new manifesto from scratch. All he needed to do was to pull up his 2019 policy document, revise a few things and slap a new title on the cover called “My Covenant with Nigerians.”

    But over the past few weeks, especially since the candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Peter Obi, released his manifesto, the Obidient movement has accused Atiku of stealing inspiration from their own candidate. The argument of Obi’s supporters is that most of Atiku’s speeches on the campaign trail don’t reflect what’s contained in his own document.

    So, what exactly is contained in the candidate’s 115-page manifesto? 

    Insecurity

    The Plan

    Massive recruitment into all of Nigeria’s security outfits especially the Nigeria Police so that additional 1,000,000 policemen and women will be added to the existing total of less than 400,000 — in 4 years

    Insecurity is one of Nigeria’s most pressing problems. Atiku’s plan to address that is to recruit one million police officers in line with the United Nations’ recommendation. The recommendation states that the ideal ratio should be one police officer to 450 citizens. Statistics agree that Nigeria is severely under policed. However, does the country really need a million new police officers? Let’s do the math:

    Nigeria currently has 340,000 police officers in service and an estimated population of 211.4 million citizens. To meet UN standards, we need 470,000 new officers, not a million. 

    It’s also unclear if Atiku has thought of how he would pay these officers. The cost of weapons, training and welfare also come to mind. For example, if one estimates ₦150,000 a month as the average salary for 500,000 additional police officers, that’s an additional ₦900 billion yearly to a budget heavily financed by debt. 

    Agriculture 

    The Plan

    Continue to improve the agriculture sector’s access to financial services, through NIRSAL by de-risking lending to the sector by commercial and development banks. The overall goal is to improve the financial capacity of the farmers and other agricultural producers to adopt new technologies and increase their resilience to economic shocks.

    Even though Atiku’s plan for agriculture isn’t comprehensive enough on problem-solving,  it’s impossible to disagree with him on the need to improve access to finance for farmers. 

    The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has spent over ₦1 trillion in the past seven years. These seven years were used to fill the gaps in food supply with interventions like the Anchors Borrowers Programme. But those gaps have not been filled. Many factors such as the Russian-Ukraine war, the after effects of COVID-19, and even basic things like motorable roads are still against us. 

    Finance 

    The Plan

    Our primary concern shall be the maintenance of macroeconomic and financial system stability. We shall pursue policies that minimise systemic risk and boost investor confidence. We shall endeavour to bring inflation to the single digits, maintain exchange rate stability and institutionalise fiscal discipline.

    Atiku’s answer to inflation is developing the financial sector — banks, pension, insurance and capital markets. But he wasn’t clear enough on how he’ll address the root causes of inflation like soaring food prices, naira depreciation, and overdependence on imports.  

    Power 

    The Plan 

    Government shall create an environment that will enable distribution companies to recover full costs for power supplied to their consumers with a firm commitment to a metering program for all customers. The scourge of electricity theft will be dealt with through a viable partnership between investors in the distribution companies and the government with legislative support for prompt action against electricity theft.

    No power system is free of losses. For distribution companies, these losses include metre tampering, false metre readings and unmetred supply. One thing Atiku could have clarified was his plan to remove the commitments of these power losses from firms. 

    It’s not entirely a new idea, as distribution companies suggested performance improvement plans and loss-reduction targets in 2021. A project like this clearly needs money. But with ₦1.3 trillion electricity intervention fund already down the drain, who will help these firms?

    Education 

    The Plan

    Responsibility for funding and control of public primary education shall be transferred to the local governments. Senior secondary and tertiary education, provided through universities, polytechnics, monotechnics, and Colleges of Education (CoEs) will be under the jurisdiction of State governments in the manner that best suits their individual or collective purposes.

    It’s hard to tell if this was just a blindspot in Atiku’s manifesto, but local governments already fund and control public primary education.

    On the issue of senior secondary and tertiary education to be given control under the state government, Atiku first mentioned in August 2022 that this was due to the fact the first set of schools were originally under regional government, and the successors are the states.

    But one of his aides, Paul Ibe, later covered for him, saying that he instead plans to have a “phased devolution of power.” Something looks fishy.

  • Just weeks to the 2019 general elections, the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Walter Onnoghen, was removed from office over corruption allegations he was later convicted for.

    Now, three months to the 2023 general elections, the current CJN, Olukayode Ariwoola, is sweating because some Nigerians are asking him to step down from office. But it has nothing to do with corruption this time.

    What did the CJN do?

    While speaking at a state banquet hosted in his honour by the Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike, on November 24, 2022, the CJN praised the Integrity Group of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) known as the G5

    He said, “I’m happy my own governor is among them because he’ll try to imitate his friend and in-law (Wike).”

    For context, the CJN is from Oyo State and the governor he’s referring to is his state governor, Seyi Makinde.

    How are Nigerians reacting?

    The PDP already has enough on its plate especially with the G5’s troublemaking. Evidently, the party is pouring out its frustrations on Ariwoola. The party issued a strongly worded statement and warned the CJN to stop undermining the integrity of the judiciary. The PDP said his action is unacceptable and basically told him to keep shut about politics.

    The Supreme Court tried to control the damage by claiming the CJN didn’t say what everyone saw in the video and was only making a joke during other remarks. We saw that video, and the CJN is definitely not Basketmouth.

    Why does this matter?

    The PDP seems to be the only ones up in arms about the CJN’s remarks. The party’s concern is understandable because the CJN isn’t expected to hold partisan views for obvious reasons.

    The results of presidential elections usually end up at the Supreme Court for final judgement. The PDP doesn’t want to face a biased referee. Although the PDP’s demand for the CJN’s resignation is a pipe dream, this episode will be revisited if the result of the 2023 presidential election ends up on his table. 

    ALSO READ: Who Are the PDP G5 Blocking Atiku’s Presidential Ambition?

  • Since Atiku Abubakar won the presidential ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in May 2022, he’s known no peace from people within his own party. A group of PDP governors known as the G5 has been pressing his neck frustrating his sixth attempt to become Nigeria’s president.

    The G5 recently visited party chieftain, Bode George, in Lagos State in a bid to resolve the conflict within the party just three months to the 2023 presidential election. Here are the key takeaways from the meeting:

    • The G5 members had a “naming ceremony” and decided to call themselves the “Integrity Group”.
    • They’re now open to “reconciliation talks” to resolve all conflicts in the party.

    But, who exactly are these G5 members?

    [Source: Vanguard]

    Nyesom Wike — Rivers State

    [Source: Vanguard]

    If we’re talking about PDP OGs, Wike is definitely one of them, which is why it’s not a surprise he’s the G5’s ringleader.

    He began his political career as the executive chairman of Obio Akpor Local Government Area in Rivers in 1999. In 2007, he was appointed the chief of staff to the governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi. 

    In July 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed him as the Minister of State for Education and promoted him to Minister of Education in September 2013. He then stepped down as a minister to contest and win the 2015 governorship election in Rivers State.

    With his second term as governor ending in 2023, he contested for the PDP’s presidential ticket but lost to Atiku. After his loss, Wike has been on a rampage and has done everything in his power to fight the man who denied him the ultimate prize

    Wike has also been pushing for the resignation of Iyiorcha Ayu, as he believes the party’s national chairman shouldn’t be from the same region as the presidential candidate. He’s also made numerous allegations against the chairman to force his resignation. It’s been an endless battle, and we can only wonder if these reconciliation talks will be for good this time.

    Seyi Makinde  —  Oyo State 

    [Source: Punch]

    Popular opinion on Twitter says that Seyi Makinde is the “best governor in Nigeria” but what makes him tick? Makinde, unlike Wike, hasn’t always been a member of the PDP. He first contested in a senatorial election as a candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in 2007 but lost. He joined the PDP in 2010 to contest the Oyo South senatorial district a second time and lost again.

    But if there’s one thing we know for sure, it’s that Makinde never says never. He lost the PDP’s Oyo governorship ticket in 2014, and moved to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) to contest the 2015 governorship election, which he lost before he returned to the PDP to win the 2019 governorship election.

    Since then, there have been notable achievements in his career as governor, from renovating 299 primary healthcare centers to regular pension payments for civil service workers in Oyo State.

    With the 2023 elections, however, Makinde seems to be switching to the other side of the fence again, as he’s been seen to be supporting the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Tinubu. Even Peter Obi, the Labour Party (LP) candidate, has met Makinde for consultations, which raises many questions.



    Samuel Ortom — Benue State

    [Source: Vanguard]


    Interestingly, Ortom won his first term as Benue State governor in 2015 as a member of the APC. However, he switched camps to the PDP in 2018 due to an “internal crisis” and won re-election in 2019. Ortom’s reign hasn’t had so much of a smooth run, and has been tainted by communal crises that have claimed thousands of lives. 


    He’s one of the G5’s loudest voices against Atiku and recently clashed with the candidate over his stance on the Fulani herdsmen blamed for attacks in Benue. He also believes a southerner should be president, which is possibly why he went all the way to Labour Party to give his support to Obi instead.


    Okezie Ikpeazu — Abia State

    [Source: Vanguard]

    Ikpeazu isn’t an alien to controversy as he was accused of submitting false information to the PDP during the 2015 elections and was sacked as governor. However, he appealed the court ruling and won, and he was even successful in running for a second term.

    Since then, he has been accused of siphoning government funds to his own personal companies and has been flagged by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) as the state with the highest number of unpaid salaries.


    Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi — Enugu State

    [Source: Premium Times]

    If the G5 was a secondary school classroom, Ugwuanyi would be the quiet boy sitting in front.

    Once a member of the House of Representatives in 2003, he’s serving his second term as the governor of Enugu State since his first victory in 2015. He’s known for the rehabilitation of key roads in Enugu, including internal roads in Nsukka and Achi.

  • Today, November 16, 2022, makes it exactly 100 days till the general elections scheduled for February 25, 2023. A lot has happened since campaigns officially kicked off on September 28, 2022. 

    Here are some interesting things that have happened so far, and what you can expect in the coming days.

    PDP flags off campaign with Obi chants

    Despite the many internal squabbles happening in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the party’s campaign took off in Uyo on October 10, 2022 and there were reports of a massive crowd. However, the standout moment came when PDP supporters were singing Obi kerenke chants at the rally. A truly forgettable moment for PDP’s Atiku Abubakar.

    Labour Party kicks off campaign with low turnout

    It was the turn of the Labour Party (LP) to kick-start its campaign which it did on October 29, 2022, in Nasarawa state. While the PDP had Obi supporters turn out in good numbers at its rally a few days earlier, they somehow managed to hide their faces where they were truly needed.

    Doyin Okupe, an LP spokesperson, said the state government employed tactics designed to frustrate its supporters, including scheduling an environmental sanitation on that day to limit movement. 

    He claimed that this was the first time in seven years that the state was doing such a thing, reducing its available supporters by 90 percent. Looks like there’s enough breakfast to go around.

    APC gets a hostile reception

    APC kicked off its campaign on November 15, 2022, in Plateau state. While other interesting things took place, there was also the unfortunate matter of boos and stones being reportedly hurled during the campaign.

    To be fair though, the APC in 2015 asked us to stone them if they fail to perform. So there’s that.

    What can we expect in the next 100 days?

    Things are bound to get very exciting. Expect funny soundbites, epic fails, more gaffes and mudslinging. 

    Meanwhile, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has said that while all that is happening in the background, it remains loyal to Nigerians. Already it has published its voter register online for Nigerians to make claims and objections. You can head over here to learn more.

     ALSO READ: Embarrassing Moments from 2023 Presidential Candidates so Far

  • It’s the World Cup in a few days and while Nigeria won’t be taking part, there are no hard feelings as there’s enough drama at home to keep us occupied. With things getting intense ahead of the 2023 elections, we’ve seen presidential candidates buckle under pressure with twists and slips. 

    Being the troublemakers that we are, we’ve compiled the top four embarrassing moments  of the presidential campaigns so far.

    Atiku has his “emi lokan” moment

    We start with the unifier. Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), had his first major gaffe at an interactive session on October 14, 2022. Addressing the Arewa Joint Committee, Atiku was asked what his plans were for the North. 

    We should have known he was up to no good when he turned up in sneakers. He took the mic, and the words that came from his mouth were in stark contrast to his goal of unifying Nigerians. 

    His words: “I think what the average northerner needs is someone who is from the North, and who also understands the other parts of Nigeria, and who has been able to build bridges across the rest of the country. This is what the northerner needs. He doesn’t need a Yoruba candidate, or an Igbo candidate. This is what the northerner needs.”

    Nigerians had interesting reactions to this online.

    BAT loves bad things

    Bola Tinubu (BAT) of the All Progressives Congress (APC) is no stranger to controversies. If anything, he delights in them. At a summit in Kaduna, around the same time Atiku was pulling his “emi lokan” stunt, BAT reminded us that he’s the true king of comical errors. 

    In what was supposed to be a compliment to Nasir El-Rufai, BAT still found a way to throw a jab at him. He said: “I’m begging Nasiru El-Rufai not to run away for (an) additional degree. Your vision, creativity and resiliency in turning a rotten situation into a bad one is necessary at this critical time.”

    His spokesman called it a “slip of tongue”. But as you’ll find out soon, that would be one of several slips to come.

    Obi and his unverifiable facts

    Peter Obi (The Rock) of the Labour Party (LP) has no doubt captured a lot of supporters, building his Obidient army. And if there’s anything he is famous for, it is quoting statistics to back up his claims. However, not all rocks are solid, as Obi has shown us.

    His most prominent gaffe came in an interview on Channels TV. On July 25, 2022, he claimed that of the 150 players playing in the National Basketball Association (NBA), almost 100 are Nigerians. 

    You know how Obi always says “Go and verify”? Well, fact-checkers did and they found his claim to be untrue. Turns out that among the 109 international players registered for the league’s 2021-2022 season, only five — and not “almost 100” — are from Nigeria.

    The BAT strikes again

    BAT’s most recent gaffe places him head and shoulders above the presidential pack. At a rally on November 15, 2022, in Plateau state, the BAT lost track of his own political party when he asked God to “bless the PDAPC”. We checked, and there’s no party by that name. 

    Naturally, we have questions.

    And theories.

    And a winner.

    Are there any other moments you think we left out? Let us know in the comments.

    ALSO READ: Atiku Joins Tribal Olympics and BAT’s Lips Are Loose Again

  • It has been rough days for the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, aka BAT. Old allegations of his links to narcotics sprung up and forced his spokesman to go on TV to defend him. We wrote about that in our newsletter here

    While the BAT was still trying to get some breathing space, a documentary on his shady past was released, adding more fuel to the fire. Then the opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), released a strongly worded press release urging Nigerians not to vote for him. 

    These are tough times for the BAT and he might decide to hibernate till the storm passes.

    What did the PDP say? 

    The PDP had a lot to say. The party accused the APC of “creating tension and inducing violence”. It said that the APC, having realized they have an ineligible candidate for 2023, is choosing violence to frustrate the conduct of the 2023 elections. 

    It went on to reference BAT’s forfeiture of funds over links to drug-related offenses in the United States. The PDP warned Nigerians that a vote for the APC will ultimately be voided and called on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to intervene.

    Why is this significant?

    The PDP cited section 137 (1d) of the Nigerian constitution which deals with grounds for disqualification. As pertaining to the BAT, they highlighted the following: 

    “A person shall not be qualified for election to the office of President if he is under a sentence of death imposed by any competent court of law or tribunal in Nigeria or a sentence of imprisonment or fine for any offence involving dishonesty or fraud (by whatever name called) or for any other offence, imposed on him by any court or tribunal or substituted by a competent authority for any other sentence imposed on him by such a court or tribunal.”

    The PDP is saying that the BAT’s forfeiture in the US constitutes a fine imposed on him by a court. In this case, the Northern District of Illinois and as such, is disqualified.

    How could this play out?

    There has already been a fake report attributed to INEC saying it would look into it. While INEC has come out to debunk it, there’s no denying that it is under immense pressure to do something as the umpire.

    On the other hand, BAT’s camp says there’s no case and that the PDP’s statement is just that — a press statement.

    It is unlikely that INEC disqualifies the BAT given his high-ranking status in the APC. So just like the last election, the PDP might take up the matter in court if the BAT wins.

    Whether things will escalate to that is a question that can only be answered by February 2023. 

    So sit tight, it’s a long hard ride ahead.

    ALSO READ: Five Big Moments from the Presidential Town Hall