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  • Former vice-president Atiku Abubakar and President Tinubu are in a toxic throuple. If you’re wondering who the third person in the trio is, it’s you because you’re about to find out all their dirty business. 

    In case you didn’t know Atiku and Tinubu were competitors during the 2023 presidential election but you already know how that story ends. Ever since then, Atiku has been vocal about Tinubu’s shortcomings. Some say he’s a sore loser, and others say he’s a concerned Nigerian. I say he’s a little bit of both. 

    Recently, Atiku presented a constitutional idea that you might like but Tinubu will definitely hate and he’s sent it to the National Assembly to make things legal.

    What is Atiku’s bright idea?

    Atiku is suggesting that presidents and governors should now be allowed to serve for only one term and that term should last for six years. For extra context, Nigerian leaders are currently allowed to serve for two terms with each term lasting for four years. 

    Before you go “Hope Atiku is not mad?”, you should know that what the Tinubu-led administration is proposing is worse. Lawmakers are currently trying to extend each term to six years and retain the constitutional right for a president to serve for two terms, making 12 years in total. You should also know that the bill has already passed its first reading. So as far as poisons are concerned, Atiku’s poison wins this round. 

    And there’s more

    Another thing Atiku is proposing is that the role of the president is constitutionally rotated periodically between the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria so we’ll never have to worry about a presidential candidate demanding votes like it’s a birthright. 

    He also suggested that candidates should start submitting their educational certificates to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). If they’ve lost their certificates, they can submit an affidavit explaining their qualifications, when they got them, and where they studied. 

    This lowkey feels like a direct attack on Tinubu whose university certificate submitted to INEC could not be confirmed or disclaimed by the university he “attended”. But that didn’t matter because, under the Nigerian constitution, a presidential candidate is only required to have at least a school leaving certificate. 

    The part where it gets messy is that President Tinubu didn’t submit that either. His entire education record is very controversial – from claims of gender swaps to inconsistencies in his date of birth. According to the court, he’s educated but with small touch of false information that are being referred to as “clerical error”.

    Why should you care?

    Just this year alone, the news of constitutional amendments to extend the term of leadership to six years has surfaced twice. In Nigeria, we’ve done more with less. This is the same country where the national anthem was changed overnight. So don’t be surprised if you wake up one day to find out that they’ve successfully amended the constitution. 


    You should care because this can either catch you by surprise or you can be an active participant in the decision by making sure that young people are not left out of these conversations. And if you’re not sure how young Nigerians fit into constitutional conversations, read this.

  • Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the All Progressives Congress presidential candidate (APC), was announced the winner of the February 25, 2023, presidential elections and Nigeria’s new president-elect on March 1, 2023, by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). 

    However, with 19 days left until the presidential inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu still has many opps standing in the way of his dream to become Nigeria’s next president. 

    On March 21, 2023, four presidential candidates, Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP), Solomon Okangbuan of Action Alliance (AA) and Chichi Ojei of Allied People’s Movement (APM) took the almighty legal steps. They filed petitions at the Presidential Elections Tribunal in Abuja, seeking to nullify INEC’s declaration of Bola Tinubu as the winner of the 2023 presidential elections.

    The petitions claim that the elections should be voided for the following reasons:

    • At the time of the elections, Tinubu wasn’t qualified to contest, which would infer that he received “wasted votes”.
    • Kasim Shettima had a double nomination, one as APC’s vice-presidential candidate and the other for a senatorial seat in the National Assembly, contrary to Section 35 of the Electoral Act.
    • Tinubu failed to get 25% of the votes in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and engaged in corrupt practices which are in non-compliance with the Electoral Act.

    The Presidential Election Petitions Court, led by Justice Haruna Tsamanni, began proceedings on May 7, 2023, and the Action Alliance (AA) party withdrew its petitions against Tinubu’s victory. 

    While we’ll continue to observe the tribunal, ZikokoCitizen reached out to some lawyers and political analysts to hear their thoughts on the tribunal and predict possible outcomes. Here’s what they had to say:

    “Our democracy is maturing.”

    Titilope Anifowoshe is a legal practitioner passionate about charity and good governance; she’s also the founder of the Eagles Foundation for Humanity. And she’s happy that our politics is evolving into a multidimensional one not necessarily dominated by two political parties.  

    According to Titi, “I have mixed feelings about the tribunal because some of the petitions are issues that should have been brought before the court pre-election. I hope some of the trivial and technical issues will not stall justice. But regardless, I’m confident that the Supreme Court will do the needful. Let’s not forget that Lady Justice is blindfolded and a respecter of no one but the Law. I am really optimistic that justice will be done. 

    On how likely it is for the tribunal to nullify Tinubu’s win, I can’t assertively say that this will happen because the whole situation is dicey. If you look at some of the grounds of the petition from Peter Obi and the Labour Party against Tinubu, while the 1999 constitution in Section 137 makes it clear that being charged and fined is grounds for disqualification, the Law also speaks about a 10-year gap. We should also remember the maxim that says that a man cannot be punished twice for the same offence. 

    If we also look at the grounds of the double nomination of Kasim Shettima, while it contradicts the Electoral Act, Section 35 of the Act uses the word “knowingly”, and Shettima can claim ignorance in the situation. But in the same vein, when we look at Section 60(5) of the Electoral Act, we can see that INEC violates its rules. So, considering these factors, it’s difficult to state clearly if the election will be nullified. However, we should never forget that judicial decisions must be accepted as correct, and I trust the tribunal’s decision.  

    But regardless, the tribunal and judiciary are governed by legal precedents and established rules, and justice won’t be denied. Although the Electoral Act and INEC guidelines are obviously imperfect, we’re gradually getting there. We hope the panel will reflect the yearning of the majority of Nigerians and they will be fair and honest.”

    “Electoral injustice takes away the dignity of human persons.”

    Festus Ogun, also a legal practitioner, hopes that the tribunal’s decisions reflect the people’s wishes and aspirations. 

    He said, “While it’s unprofessional to preempt or predict the outcome of the court in cases such as this, I honestly believe that a lot of our people feel cheated and violated. I also believe that electoral injustice takes away from the dignity of human persons. 

    Given this, many young Nigerians yearn for true justice at the tribunal. But unfortunately, as we’ve experienced in the past, when matters get to the court like this, lawyers and litigants tend to focus on technicalities. But I am hopeful that this time, Nigerians will pay more attention to the substance of the case.”

    “There is a political question mark on Tinubu’s mandate.”

    Demola Olarenwaju is a Public Affairs analyst, political commentator and the Special Assistant in Digital Media and Strategy to Atiku Abubakar. He thinks that regardless of the tribunal’s outcome, he doesn’t expect it to lead to an explosive situation in the country. 

    “The courts have made it clear that they don’t want to spend time on unnecessary litigation and technicalities, but instead, the case will be decided on merit. We hope this will be adhered to and the Presidential Elections Petitions Court will be concluded shortly. The petitions from the different political parties are very interesting. Peter Obi comes from the angle of legalities, which questions the legitimacy of Tinubu and Shettim as candidates in the general elections. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar is coming from the angle of what happened on election day, which is the non-adherence of INEC to the Electoral Law. Also, in Atiku’s petition, we see the margin of lead principle, which says that where the margin of lead between the declared winner and the runner-up is less than the number of cancelled votes, then the elections should be considered inconclusive and makeup elections should be conducted. So, from all this, it’s clearly a two-pronged attack.

    On the likelihood of the court nullifying the election, given the history of Peter Obi and Atiku with electoral litigation, it could happen again in this case. Also, the advent of BVAS makes it easier to point out areas where over-voting or electoral malpractice occurred. Also, the fact that there were four major candidates in this election and Bola Tinubu could only get 30% of the votes shows that he isn’t the choice of most Nigerian voters. There’s a political question mark on his election mandate as declared by INEC that has to be resolved in court. 

    Everyone will move on if the elections are nullified, or supplementary polls are held. I don’t think it will be an explosive situation, and despite what the ruling party says, Nigeria will continue to be Nigeria, and heaven won’t fall. It’s clear that many Nigerians believe that the elections were compromised, and the tribunal should be firm in adjudicating the case. I also expect the tribunal and judiciary to open their doors to the media to show that there’s nothing to hide. 

    However, my prediction for the worst possible outcome of the presidential tribunal will be supplementary elections between Atiku and Tinubu or Atiku and Peter Obi if Tinubu is disqualified. But in any way it plays out, Atiku Abubakar will be involved in the second round of elections”. 

    Also read: Five Popular Election Tribunal Judgements in Nigeria.

    Rest assured, Zikoko Citizen will continue to keep a close watch as the drama unfolds and keep you updated on the post-election drama!

  • This is Zikoko Citizen’s Game of Votes weekly dispatch that helps you dig into all the good, bad, and extremely bizarre stuff happening in Nigeria and why they’re important to you.

    Subscribe now to get the newsletter in your email inbox at 8 am every Friday instead of three days later. Don’t be LASTMA

    Doyin Okupe Resignation Sanwo-olu Meffy

    The Rivers state governor, Nyesom Wike, is one of the Nigerian politicians that should get an honorary degree in Theatre Arts. A word many would ascribe to him is “drama,” and in the days leading up to the 2023 elections, this has proved very true. 

    Wike was one of the presidential aspirant of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), but lost to Atiku Abubakar in the primaries. However, Wike hasn’t taken this defeat lying down. Instead, he has sabotaged PDP’s presidential campaign in every way he can. 

    Asides from leading a rebellion against the PDP leadership with his aso-ebi boys, the G-5 governors consisting of Seyi Makinde (Oyo State), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia State), Samuel Ortom (Benue State) and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu State); he also cancelled Atiku’s presidential rally in Rivers state under the guise of them lacking the capacity to fill the stadium. 

    But, despite his mean-spirited attacks on his party, he hasn’t openly declared support for another candidate. However, some third-party informants say he has thrown his weight behind Bola Tinubu, the presidential candidate of the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). 

    After months of trying to let peace reign, Atiku has finally had enough. In a statement on February 22, 2023, he called out the Rivers state governor, describing him as “a con man and a chicken hiding under the costume of a lion”. He also accused him of planning to use violence in the state to hand Tinubu the win. Looking back at everything Wike has put the PDP through in this election period, you can’t help but wonder if he’s really all bark and no bite. If he’s truly displeased with the party, why not defect to a different one? In January, he said he’d be announcing his preferred presidential candidate, but it’s one day before the presidential elections, and we’ve not heard a beep from him. 

    2023 Wike Atiku PDP Chef robs

    Is he shying away from supporting his candidate with his full chest, or is he playing chess while we’re stuck on checker’s? 

    What else happened this week?

    2023 Wike Atiku PDP Chef robs

    The chef who’s a serial robber gets caught

    Like the song goes, “Crazy things are happening”. Nigerians have been trying to survive the government since we crossed into this year, and now it looks like we have to be extra watchful with other Nigerians.

    2023 Wike Atiku PDP Chef robs

    On February 23, 3023, the Lagos State Police Command arrested and detained a cook, Wilfred Amoussou, under the suspicion of drugging and robbing his employers. Allegedly, this isn’t Wilfred’s first rodeo as he has done this to many victims over the years, particularly in the Ikoyi, Parkview and Banana Island axis.

    2023 needs a restart button because, so far, it’s not giving.

    Video of the week

    Question of the week

    The Supreme court adjourned the case again against the Naira redesign to March 3. Do you still think they can help us in our fight against Meffy? 

    Ehen one more thing…

    It’s one day to the presidential and national assembly elections. You can check the results as they are being released live, here or join our WhatsApp community to get updates, fact-checks, and talk to other voters. 

  • The Nigerian Voter is a series that seeks to understand the motivations that drive the voting decisions of Nigerians — why they vote, how they choose their candidates, why some have never voted, and their wildest stories around elections.

    This week’s subject of The Nigerian Voter is Yusuf, a 26-year-old postgraduate student at the University of Ibadan. He tells us about his past voter experiences, why he is a big fan of Atiku Abubakar and his reasons for believing that the plans made against Atiku by the G5 don’t hold water. 

    Have you ever been voted in any election before? 

    I voted in 2015 and 2019. I also participated in the “Deliver Oyo” campaign group in 2018.

    What was the campaign all about?

    The campaign was all about the 2019 candidates and what they had to bring to the table. We were at the frontlines, granting interviews and developing goals and strategies that the candidates could possibly use to win the elections. It was around that time that the #NotTooYoungtoRun movement became very popular and soon became an Act. We had very young candidates here in Oyo state. Some of them didn’t win their elections, and others were later made appointees of the government of the day. 

    That’s dope! Who did you vote for in 2015 and 2019, and why?

    In 2015, unfortunately, I voted for Buhari. In 2019, I voted for Atiku. The funny thing with Buhari in 2015 was that I didn’t exactly support him.

    What do you mean?

    Well, I know his history well enough. People think his political career began when he planned that coup between 1984 and 1985. However, this is not true. Buhari was at the forefront of various coups. Even after he became the Head of State and Petroleum Minister, with the way we handled the government, I knew that he wasn’t the one for us.

    However, I decided to vote for him because of one person — Fashola. Most of us who were from the South-West but were not in Lagos admired how he ran Lagos and believed he would be the template for all All Progressive Congress ( APC) governors. We felt that if he is supporting Buhari, and we supported Buhari because of Fashola, then he would make Minister. Also, there would be more chances of his work being replicated in other states too, including the South-West.

    Therefore, I voted for Buhari not because of his person, but mostly because of the intelligent people he has had to work with. I felt that even if he couldn’t do his job right, his people would be there to pick up the slack. I guess I was wrong.

    Why did you vote for Atiku in 2019?

    I believed he was the better candidate. I was part of the election cycle, so I knew a lot about politicking and how these elections are run. With Buhari and Atiku as forerunners, it was a matter of settling for one of the lesser devils. This is because I strongly believed that no party asides from the two major parties can win at the level of the presidency. 

    Atiku had the qualifications. I feel his allegations of corruption are being over-exaggerated by the media. It’s not as deep as we see it. 

    Do you still have plans of voting for Atiku in 2023? If yes, why?

    I think Atiku is our only chance of booting the APC out of the presidency. People think that there can be no president worse than Buhari, but I disagree. I believe that things can be even worse with an APC candidate taking over from Buhari. Our democracy is very fragile and we cannot allow someone who doesn’t respect the tenets of democracy to get to that office in Aso Rock.

    Our presidential system of government is structured in such a way that it gives the president so much power. I think the closest system to ours is the American system, and even then, theirs has a lot of devolution or distribution of power.

    Why that statement? What makes you so?

    Because it’s in the constitution. Let’s start from 1999 till date. When Obasanjo was president, he was able to control even things that happened in the National Assembly. This is for both the House of Representatives and the Senate. 

    The only person that didn’t mix both arms of government was Yar’Adua, and that was because he passed on shortly after he became president. Even Goodluck Jonathan at one point interfered with the affairs of legislation. The constitution was even written by military personnel, so it has this ‘Decree 36’ sort of vibe with the centralisation of power that Aguiyi Ironsi did in 1966.

    That’s why Atiku is campaigning for state autonomy because states in Nigeria do not control their resources. The Federal government controls their resources and gives them derivation at the end of the month.

    The point is, we can not allow someone that doesn’t respect the tenets of democracy to be given that level of power. This is also a major reason why I am with Atiku.

    But with the decline of Atiku’s popularity over the last months, do you think he still has a chance of winning?

    The decline of his popularity is on social media oh, not physically. Let’s do a breakdown. There are 36 states in Nigeria, with 17 in the South and 19 in the North. Atiku’s running mate is someone who has been in government since 1999. He was James Ibori’s commissioner for 8 years. After Ibori left, he was also involved in 2 more tenures. The reason why I am bringing this up is to prove that Okowa is a political heavyweight.

    Even when Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike first entered the political sphere, Okowa was already a commissioner of several tenures.

    Atiku also has the support of so many people in the South-South. There’s Delta, Okowa’s state. There is Bayelsa, which is a traditional PDP state and currently has a PDP governor. Rivers State is a traditional PDP state too but may be difficult to win because of Wike’s beef with Atiku. There is Akwa Ibom State, where Udom Emmanuel is a PDP governor. There is also Akpabio whom APC did not give his return ticket, but he still has that PDP structure.

    This means that there is solid hope of Atiku winning in the South as well as the North. It also means that Southerners, especially the South-South, have a great chance of making it to the presidency in the next couple of years. Obi is gaining ground in the South-East sure, but that doesn’t change the fact that the region is traditionally PDP too. What the PDP needs to get is at least 25% in all the southern states.

    Another point is, in all the states in Nigeria, with the way the election is, the state Obi wins, Atiku will come second. The state Tinubu wins, Atiku will come second. And yet, we say he doesn’t have a chance? Here in Oyo state, people would say that Atiku can’t win because Seyi Makinde is a G5 governor. But did they see the massive mobilisation that happened, even before Atiku announced that he was running for the presidency? Atiku has been in the PDP and has held Oyo state down before his campaign started.

    Yes, things have boiled down concerning his online campaign, but that doesn’t change the fact that this election is still between the APC and PDP.

    You mentioned the G5. Who are they, and what do they represent?

    The G5 is a group of five governors on the platform of the PDP. They are saying that they cannot support a transition of an APC Fulani man to a PDP Fulani man. In other words, they do not support a Fulani-Fulani transition for the presidency and feel a Southern president should emerge instead.

    Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State leads the G5. Other members include Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, Samuel Ortom of Benue State, Ifeanyi Uguwanyi of Enugu State and Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia State.

    Can you say that the G5 still has an impact on the elections and the PDP?

    They don’t. As it stands now if they proclaim the candidacy of Atiku, some of them will lose their elections. If you look at the G5 governors, only Nyesom Wike is not returning to power. Samuel Ortom is contesting for the Senate in Benue. Same with Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu and Ikpeazu of Abia state. Seyi Makinde is seeking re-election for governor of Oyo state. So it’s only Wike in this group that has nothing to lose.

    At this stage of the election, if my governor in Oyo State starts to campaign against Atiku, he will campaign against aspirants for the Senate and House of Representatives. 

    In fact, during the Atiku campaign, the three Senate aspirants for Oyo South, Oyo North and Oyo Central and the 14 aspirants for the House of Representatives were all there to welcome Atiku. My point is that their election is tied to Atiku’s victory at the polls. The G5 can work for any candidate they like, but it has to be lowkey. I even feel like the nature of their group is unfounded.

    How so?

    I’ll keep referencing Oyo State because I am from here. So in Oyo State, we have four-axis — Ibadan (state capital), Oke-Ogun, Ibarapa and Ogbomosho. Since 1999, Ibadan has been the one producing the governors. Ibarapa has never made a governor, but they are not complaining or saying that ‘it’s their turn’. For Makinde’s campaign in 2019, he even came out to say that he is not running as an Ibadan man but rather as someone competent.

    If he has said that, why can’t he give Atiku the benefit of the doubt?

    This dispute’s genesis was that one couldn’t have a Fulani-Fulani transition. Look at Wike now. He succeeded Rotimi Amaechi, both of whom are from Ikwerre local government. Why didn’t he say he would wait for a candidate from another zone to aspire for governorship before he stepped up?

    My point is that if one wants to polarise the election along regional lines, Atiku will still win. If he doesn’t win states in the South, he will come second in those states. At this stage of our democracy, it’s not about the region.

    If it was the ‘turn of the South’ like they claim, why was Wike lobbying to be Atiku’s running mate at the primaries? These are questions that one should ask. You can’t be the beneficiary of a same-zone transition and still complain. However, the decisions of these governors can affect who citizens would vote for in their various states. For instance, Ortom’s leaning toward Peter Obi of the Labour Party could affect voter decisions on Atiku.

    What would you say of Obi, Tinubu and Kwankwaso as candidates?

    As I said earlier, the candidate of the APC (Tinubu) does not respect the tenets of democracy. He has had a hand in the affairs of Lagos State from 1999 till date. I also have a personal grudge against anyone (including APC members) that had a hand in October 2020 #EndSARS massacre. They have House of Representative aspirants that I can vote for, but I can’t vote for anyone APC at the central level. I just can’t.

    As for Peter Obi, I’m not voting for him right now because I feel his party is not a major party yet. You can’t build structures, campaigns, and everything else you’d need to survive a presidency in five months. If he keeps going this way, though, who knows? He could be our next president in 2027.

    For Kwankwaso, his New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) doesn’t have a fanbase outside of Kano state. I believe he is depending on Kano state being a swing state to have an edge, but that’s too much of a stretch.

    How are you mobilising people to vote in this election?

    To be honest, I don’t see why you are a Nigerian living in Nigeria with the current state of the economy and not vote.

    If people no longer believe in the Nigerian project to vote, then honestly they shouldn’t bother.

  • For Navigating Nigeria this week, Citizen spoke to Ose Anenih, son of former minister and chairman of the Board of Trustees of the PDP, Anthony Anenih. He’s a member of the PDP presidential campaign council and deputy director for polling. He spoke on various issues including his party’s chances, the breakaway G5, PDP fumbling the bag, and why he thinks Peter Obi’s campaign would’ve never taken off without EndSARS.

    Editorial Note: Navigating Nigeria is a platform for Nigerians to passionately discuss policies and politics with little interference to individual opinions. While our editorial standards emphasise the truth and we endeavour to fact-check claims and allegations, we do not bear any responsibility for allegations made about other people that are founded in half-truths.

    Icebreaker. Have you ever seen any of Citizen’s work?

    I have. I feel like I’m Daniel walking into the lion’s den because of your work and because of your audience. Most of your readers might see politicians as the antithesis of everything they stand for. I’m hoping you guys will be gentle.

    Haha. Off the bat, could you answer whether you have any relations to the late Chief Tony Anenih, a legend of Nigerian politics?

    He’s my dad, yes.

    Wonderful. Your dad was a former minister under President Obasanjo yes?

    Former minister of works. My dad and Anthony Enahoro — who moved the motion for independence — come from the same community. There must be something in the water.

    Lol. Tell us, what was growing up like? 

    We always grew up around politics. My mum is a politician and a former minister of women affairs as well. One of my earliest childhood memories was during a meeting held in our living room in Benin. I peeked out the door and saw Shehu Shagari, the then president. He had come to Benin for a visit and we hosted him.

    Bragging rights

    I’m from a polygamous home and we grew up politicking. Politics is in my blood. I’m, however, more than just a politician. I’m a hotelier and businessman. My brother and I run a property development company which pays the bills while we go about trying to convince people to vote for us.

    Before your dad passed, he was chairman board of trustees (BOT) of the PDP, correct?

    He was chairman in 2015. After we lost that election, he stepped down and adopted an elder statesman role.

    Did your dad influence your journey into politics under the PDP?

    Yes and no. I say yes and no because on one hand you have to join a political party. It could have been NNPP, LP or APC. On the other hand I know a lot of these people because I interact with them across divides. I feel a sense of fellowship with them and know what they believe in. So in deciding what party to belong to I asked myself which community I’d like to work out of and I picked the PDP.

    I like the PDP’s ideology. We’re progressive and pro-business. I’m a firm advocate of free speech which is something my party also believes in so it was natural for me to work with the PDP. 

    We made some mistakes in the past but looking forward, our party’s Nigeria’s best choice for prosperity, security and growth.

    Supporters of other parties won’t agree with this assertion. Why should Nigerians give your party, not just your candidate, another chance at leadership?

    I’m a fan of Kingsley Moghalu and I read his books. He’s one of the best presidential candidates I’ve ever seen. I’ve interacted with him and interrogated his ideas and he’s solid. But, he always seems to pick parties that don’t appreciate what he brings to the table or stand no chance of winning. I say this to highlight that you can’t separate a candidate from its party.

    When we took over from the military in 1999, we had an almost negative GDP growth. We grew it to 15 per cent in 2002. I can point to that to say we’ve been in a similar situation as we are now where we’re bankrupt, there’s insecurity and skyrocketing inflation. The PDP fixed that then and did it within three years. One of the stewards of that success, Atiku, is vying for the top office today.

    We did some stuff that was great, but we also made mistakes. The beauty of Nigerian democracy is that in 2015 Nigerians clearly showed they can punish bad behaviour. However, they were only able to do that because the PDP produced a candidate that allowed free and fair elections. 

    Jonathan signed a presidential amendment to the Electoral Act a few weeks before the election and it was that same amendment that kicked him out of office.

    My worry going into the 2023 election is, on one hand we have a ruling party that doesn’t have a democratic bone in it and on the other hand a divided opposition who if they don’t band together, will find it difficult to unseat a ruling party desperate to hold on to power.

    But Buhari signed the Electoral Act into law which has benefited your party. For example, governor Adeleke’s emergence in Osun. What do you say to that?

    If Buhari had signed it in 2018, my applause for him would’ve been more enthusiastic. Right now he has no skin in the game as he’s not contesting. He did it in pursuit of a legacy. He wants to be remembered as the president that advanced our democratic process. If he was sincere he’d have signed it in 2018. All he’ll get from me is a one-handed clap.

    You spoke of mistakes your party made. One which many people have talked about is the emergence of Atiku who’s of Fulani ethnicity to replace Buhari who’s also Fulani. How do you respond to those who say it’s unfair?

    I ran for the PDP primaries to contest for the House of Representatives (HOR). Bro, if you see my manifesto ehn? I had a beautiful manifesto. I had a campaign team which was structured off of Obama’s when he ran in 2008. We were everywhere on social media including Twitter and WhatsApp. My constituency has 21 wards and we covered everywhere. Went to the markets and broke kola with everyone. 

    Omo, on the day of the primaries hahahaha. That day the conversation wasn’t about manifestoes. It was about what was in the best interest of my community. I was running for HOR and my community also had someone running for Senate. My delegates, people for whom I hired a bus to take to the venue, decided that they were better off having someone in the Senate than in the HOR.

    Chai, that must have hurt

    That’s the dark underbelly of politics. In the end these things come down to negotiations. You may not like it but as a democrat you should accept it. I wasn’t rigged out. 

    I say this to answer your question. Democracy isn’t perfect. The PDP presidential primaries had Wike, Atiku, Saraki and a host of others. There was a lot of horse-trading and in the end the delegates said Atiku was the best choice. The primaries weren’t rigged. Delegates across the nation came together to form a consensus on Atiku.

    I hear people talk about fairness a lot and it makes me cringe. When you begin to have these ethnic arguments under the guise of equity and fairness it becomes problematic. Because you’re setting a precedent that we’d put ethnicity and religion over character, competence and a track record. The threats we face today from insecurity, displaced people, out-of-school children are markers of state failure. Ethnicity or religion won’t solve this.

    So to answer the question of if it’s fair my Twitter bio reads, “It’s not fair, it’s politics.” 

    That’s interesting, because Atiku himself has slammed the APC’s Muslim-Muslim ticket and called for a “balanced” ticket. Doesn’t this contradict your previous point?

    Speaking for myself now, let’s not deceive ourselves. Tinubu is a Yoruba Muslim. How can he pick a northern Christian if he’s serious about winning an election? Elections have historically been determined by bloc votes from the northeast and northwest. When Tinubu is looking for a running mate will he aim for competence or for the person most likely to deliver him the most votes?

    So you’re saying Tinubu sacrificed competence for the sake of winning elections?

    What I’m trying to say is, Tinubu was hamstrung from the get-go. Nigeria still has these conversations about where you’re from and who you pray to and Tinubu knows this. If it was a smaller party you could get away with a Christian-Christian or Muslim-Muslim ticket and no one would bat an eye about it. I’m deputy director of polling for the PDP and what shows up in our polls is that people tend to vote along ethnic and tribal lines. So I understand Tinubu’s decision. It was a cold and calculated move although I don’t think he’ll get far with it but I wish him well.

    In 2019 you wrote that the next Nigerian president should be Igbo and you even mentioned Obi. So what changed? Why aren’t you supporting him?

    The arguments I made in that piece are still valid, which was about recognising Nigeria’s diversity. I penned it around calls for secession at the time by Nnamdi Kanu. The thrust of it was that a certain section of the country felt they were still being punished for events from the Civil War which made them feel like they didn’t belong and couldn’t aspire to the highest office.

    These issues aren’t anecdotal, they’re systemic. For instance, the North-East Development Commission (NEDC) was established because of the Boko Haram devastation as well as the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) to deal with the issues in the south-south. You don’t have anything similar in the southeast. This is a region which was the theatre of the Civil War and you don’t have anything set up to fix the infrastructural and physical damage they suffered. That was the background in which that article was written.

    If you’re from the region — my mum is from the southeast — you’ll see how the state pushes back at you or doing tokenistic projects like the Second Niger Bridge. If after eight years the only thing you can give back to an entire region is a bridge, then it’s tokenistic.

    But the PDP ruled for 16 years, how come they didn’t at least deliver on what you say is a tokenistic project?

    That’s a brilliant question. We talk about bubbles of national sentiment and during Jonathan’s time the South-East didn’t feel they were being persecuted. Even though there was Nnamdi Kanu he was more like an irritant. There wasn’t a full blown agitation to leave the country. That only began to rear its head when Buhari got to office and made the “97 per cent, five per cent” remark.

    Fast forward to 2023. Nigeria’s problems have gone beyond giving a certain section of the country a sense of belonging. Yes that too is important, but there has to be a Nigeria before anyone can hope to get a sense of belonging or anything like that. I mentioned earlier that to my mind, Nigeria’s at the edge of state failure. We need to fix that before addressing subnational agitations that are ongoing.

    This brings us back to Obi

    The good thing about the Peter Obi candidacy is it addresses part of that agitation and I absolutely love it. I’m up and about in Abuja and I see people in their isi agu outfits and you can feel the general sense of pride in being Igbo because they’ve put someone who for me is a great candidate. His candidacy has also, to a large extent, doused tensions in the South-East. Agitations have shifted from ”we want to leave” to “this is our guy” which is amazing. 

    So I don’t think overall my position has changed. I just think there’s a list of priorities now brought about by the APC’s bad governance. As a result other more pressing issues have overtaken the sentiments expressed in that article.

    Given the growing support Obi has gathered in the race, do you think the PDP fumbled the bag by not fielding him?

    I think it’s a disservice to your audience to ascribe what’s happening to just Obi,  instead of being the result of a protest movement of young, energised, organised and mobilised Nigerians. 

    Even you could’ve picked up a ticket and if that movement had gotten behind you, we’d be talking about you the way we’re talking about Obi. It’s not about the LP either, which literally doesn’t exist.

    In my village, Uromi, people who contested under the PDP platform and failed to get a ticket were the ones that took up the LP ticket. 

    I don’t think it’s quite the same thing comparing me with Obi, a former governor with experience running a national campaign under the PDP

    I’m saying that between 2019 and 2023, several people have been posturing for president. Wike, Seyi Makinde and even people like Tony Elumelu, Atedo Peterside and Pat Utomi were making the right noises. So it’s not just Obi. Without EndSARS there’d be no Peter Obi.

    Please explain

    We’ve seen youth involvement in politics before. Young people were involved in Buhari’s presidential campaign. What we hadn’t seen before was organised young people working together on a large scale and with efficiency. The first time we saw young people band together to push a political agenda — even though they say it wasn’t politics — was during #EndSARS. 

    Young people across the nation said they were tired of police brutality and were demanding police reform to the point where the president thought there was a plot to overthrow him.

    I was out of the country on October 20, 2020 and I saw the evil this government did. My heart broke and I worried they’d crushed the spirit of Nigerian youths. So to see that spirit re-emerge now is a brilliant thing to watch even though I’m with the PDP. Although I think they’re backing the wrong horse, the engagement they’ve promoted in our political space has made it worth the while — whether Obi wins or not.

    So I’m saying that if young people hadn’t led campaigns outside of the LP structure, Obi’s movement wouldn’t have gained any traction at all because the LP is struggling to even hold rallies. I’d rather give credit to young people instead of Obi who only left us in May. Obi’s one of us, he’s an old breed politician and not new.

    He just happens to be the tip of the spear of a rebellious movement that wants to transform the country for the better. And I envy him for that. I wish we’d been able to draw that attention to our campaign, we haven’t been able to. 

    So is this you admitting the PDP fumbled the bag?

    If the PDP fumbled the bag it’s not about Obi, it’s that we didn’t appeal enough to the youth demographic. Even the young people say that this isn’t about Obi but about them and their future and I 100% agree.

    You’re part of the PDP presidential campaign council. Give us the amebo, how’s the PDP dealing with the agitations of the breakaway governors of the party, the G5?

    As e dey pain them, e go dey sweet us. Let’s talk real politics. I think they made a tactical error in showing their hand too early. Because it allowed us to ask ourselves how we’d manage if we lost any of the five PDP states. Can we chart a path to the presidency without these states? We spent the last four months developing that pathway to victory. 

    That’s why you still see confidence in our campaigns. Even if we don’t get those states back, we stand a good chance of competing and winning the election. If they’d waited a bit longer and caught us unawares then things would have been different.

    Can you speak more on the grievances of the G5?

    The G5 are saying they aren’t happy because the party appears to be top-heavy. They’re saying the presidential candidate is from the North, national chairman from the North, campaign DG from the North which lacks equity and justice.They want the chairman to step down so a southerner can take over.

    The problem with that is it’s a disingenuous argument. Governor Wike is a lawyer and he knows the PDP constitution. Because of past issues regarding replacing chairmen who step down, we inserted a clause in the constitution. If I, Ose, from Edo state, steps down, someone from my zone will have to replace me. 

    We have a national chairman, Ayu, a deputy chairman one from the North and a deputy chairman two from the South. 

    Here’s the point to understand, Ayu is a middlebelt Christian. Forget the fact that he’s called a northerner. Wike is saying Ayu should step down so that a northerner, a Muslim from the northeast would take over as chairman. How does that address Wike’s agitation?

    Or will Wike also lead another campaign for the deputy chairman one to step down so the next person becomes chairman? It doesn’t work. The proposal made to him was a simple one. We recognise your grievances and we’ll address them as soon as the candidate emerges as president. The chairman will step down.

    There are six principal offices that parties share that are mapped out to the six geopolitical zones. The president, vice president, senate president, speaker of the house, secretary general of the federation and the national chairman. Okowa is already VP and from the south-south. Any imbalances that exist will be addressed when Atiku wins the presidency.

    If…

    Like I explained, our constitution makes it impossible to give him what he wants. Unless he’s asking us to hold another national convention. The irony is, Wike was among those who conducted the last national convention and financed Ayu’s campaign. He was also  among those who moved against the former chairman, Secondus, his kinsman.

    Governor Ortom was a part of the committee that insisted the contest be thrown open without zoning. So it’s all, for want of a nicer word, somehow.

    Hmm

    I’m a politician and I’ve been blessed enough to have personal security when I travel. How many Nigerians can afford that? How many can travel without being kidnapped? I get a huge amount of DMs soliciting help. However, you can’t crowdfund governance or healthcare. So when I see my leader like Wike acting in a manner that allows the APC to continue in office, it concerns me. I also ran for office and lost. The pertinent question is why? I ran to help my people and was willing to set aside my ego and act in a manner that yields positive outcomes. Can you honestly tell me the way Wike is acting is going to help Nigeria? It’s not.

    That’s your opinion

    Well, Wike came to Lagos and endorsed Sanwo-Olu. Let’s be serious. I keep saying that you shouldn’t be involved in a democratic conversation if you’re involved in what happened at Lekki Toll Gate. So how do you come to Lagos and say someone anointed by a godfather and imposed on Lagosians deserves a second term? I don’t get it.

    How do you go and meet with Tinubu? After the last eight years how are they still an option? You asked if we made mistakes, I said yes. 2015 was a referendum on PDP’s 16 years in power. Nigerians said they wanted more and voted us out.

    As a PDP member do you consider this unforgivable?

    Forget my partisanship. I think as a Nigerian it’s a bitter pill to swallow. Beyond the theatrics a lot of us loved Governor Wike because he’s very hardworking. When you have someone you hold in such high regard acting in an emotional, scorched-earth way, it’s a dangerous game to play. It’s the politics of attrition with the lives of 200 million Nigerians.

    What’s the PDP’s plan to woo back young Nigerians disillusioned with the party’s conduct of in-house elections? Case in point, the Banky W experience

    Banky’s an example of how you should take part in politics. His candidacy was initially disputed but he fought for it. He took his case to every single member of the party leadership. Fresh primaries were conducted and he won.

    A lot of people think because they have good plans or went to Harvard they’re entitled to power. Nobody gives you power, you have to take it. That’s why this election is different. Young people are no longer sitting on the fence or waiting for the PDP or APC to cede power to them. They’re going for it.

    On our internal primaries, I think we should adopt direct primaries. Once you have delegates you’re creating a captured structure. Independent candidacy has to become a thing too. If we get into office that’s one of the reforms we’d try to push.

    Is this a promise?

    Yes it is, hold me to that. And not just independent candidacy, diaspora voting as well. We’ve committed to it in our manifesto. It makes no sense that you work abroad, send money here but can’t vote because you’re geographically displaced.

    I want to say because of the youthful audience, that I appreciate their involvement in this conversation. I’m on this platform because I recognise the importance of speaking to that demographic. This isn’t necessarily an appeal to vote for our candidate, I think by this time lots of minds have been made up. 

    This is just to encourage young people to say they’re doing an amazing job. We have lots of youths in our campaign as well. Regardless of the outcome, an Atiku-Okowa presidency will prioritise young people.

    Are you confident in INEC’s ability to conduct free and fair elections this time around?

    Real talk, there’ll be violence. I believe the ruling party will deploy violence in areas they aren’t strong. There’ll also be lots of vote-buying. But, the new Electoral Act and BVAS means this election will be the most transparent and most reflective of public opinion we’ve ever had.  On that score I’m confident that regardless of the outcome, it’ll be representative of the will of the people.

    So kudos to Buhari right?

    Kudos to the INEC chairman. Because BVAS isn’t in the Electoral Act, it’s in INEC’s guidelines. So let’s keep praying for him. As long as BVAS stays in place, I’m confident that we’ll have a free and fair election.

    Does this mean if the outcome doesn’t favour the PDP it won’t seek redress in court?

    You saw what happened in 2015. We lost the election and there were issues with it. But you always have to look at the greater good. I think it was important for us to reinforce not just confidence in INEC but confidence in the electoral process. 

    We could’ve challenged it but the president decided not to and I belong in that school of thought. But I’m speaking for myself, not my candidate. And we don’t know what might happen between now and February 25. But fingers crossed, it all comes good.

    We write the news and track the 2023 elections for citizens by citizens in our weekly newsletter, Game of Votes. Make the subscription of a lifetime here.

  • On December 11, 2022, the presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, and his running mate, Ifeanyi Okowa, were guests at a town hall hosted by Channels TV. The two-hour townhall focused on the PDP’s plans for Nigerians if the party is allowed to return to Aso Rock Villa.

    What did Atiku say?

    In his opening remarks, Atiku said Nigeria is going through its worst existential challenge since the civil war, describing the country as disunited due to security and economic issues. 

    The candidate believes his experience makes him uniquely qualified for the position of president more than the other candidates. Don’t forget this is his sixth attempt trying to become Nigeria’s president.

    On IPOB

    Atiku believes the central issue regarding the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) is the realisation of Biafra. He noted that the options for that to happen are either another civil war or negotiations, and indicated his preference for the latter. Atiku also believes more autonomy for subregions will quell agitations.

    On ASUU

    On the recurrent strikes by members of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), Atiku says he’ll clear all their backlogs. A very bold promise.

    “I’m going to increase the funding level (of education) as against what’s currently obtained. There’s no doubt about that because I’m a firm and committed believer in education.

    “I’ve undertaken to say, whatever backlog — we’re going to clear all the backlogs and make sure that you go back to classes and students go back to school.”

    On insecurity

    Atiku has plans to emulate the UAE to tackle insecurity in Nigeria. He’d know a lot about that seeing as Dubai is his second home.

    “The security architecture I admire is the UAE security architecture and it’s primarily based on monitoring. You don’t see policemen in uniform in UAE, you don’t see soldiers but virtually everybody is being monitored on a daily basis and particularly if you are a visitor, from the moment you step into the country or go out, anywhere you’re going, you’re being watched and that’s the deployment of technology as far as security is concerned.

    “That’s to say we’re aiming for the ultimate, but we have to deal with our current security structure. How we reform it to ensure we give our people a more secure environment to undertake their own legitimate businesses wherever they may be, whether in the rural areas, semi-urban and so on.”

    On Wike’s unending beef

    Atiku said he tried on his part to square things with Nyesom Wike who he defeated at the PDP primaries to clinch the presidential ticket. 

    “I’ve met Wike two times in Port Harcourt, two times in Abuja, one time in London, personally. It’s not on my part; it’s on the other side. I’m waiting for him.”

    Dear Wike, we’re all waiting for your reply.

    On privatisation

    Atiku has long been a champion of privatisation which has earned him equal measure of praise from his supporters and criticism from those who say he wants to sell state assets to his friends.

    He responded to a question on why he’s fixated on selling public assets.

    “I’m not fixated but I think that’s best for the country. I mean, let’s be honest with ourselves, we have four refineries and they’ve ceased functioning; I don’t know for how many years now and every year we budget money for overhauling the refineries that don’t work. Please, let’s give it to the private sector.

    “In every great nation in this world, you find out that it’s the private sector that’s driving the economy — they provide the jobs, they provide the prosperity, and they do everything. Why should we be different? So, I’m not fixated.”

    On Deborah Samuel

    Atiku also addressed the controversy surrounding the death of Deborah Samuel, a 19-year old Christian killed by a mob of her classmates in Sokoto over allegations of blasphemy. Atiku’s Twitter account had posted a statement condemning her death, before later deleting it.

    When asked why he deleted the tweet, the candidate said it was posted without his approval. But he made it clear that he later condemned the murder.

    Not everyone’s buying his answer though.

  • On December 4, 2022, Arise TV hosted a town hall with leading 2023 presidential candidates in attendance. Only the regular absentee, Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the All Progressives’ Congress (APC), was missing from the party. Those present were Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party, (PDP), Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).

    What were the highlights?

    Despite the fact they’re all contesting on different mantras and platforms, the candidates seemed to agree on certain policy issues. All three believe in education being a driver of growth. They also shared, to varying degrees, sentiments that the constitution needs to be revised and an emphasis on health insurance for all.

    But they had their differences too. Obi believes strongly that an investment in human capital development is vital to pulling Nigeria out of poverty. He spoke on reviving the bank of agriculture in Kaduna to enable farmers get easier access to loans.

    Kwankwaso believes strongly in education but also in greatly expanding Nigeria’s security forces. He also said he would make strides in other sectors like in infrastructure and construction. He claimed that as Kano governor, he built three major cities in four years with ₦‎40 billion without borrowing.

    Atiku believes the private sector is the driver of prosperity and plans to incentivise it. He is also particular about agriculture being a mainstay of the economy and spoke on plans to expand the sector to employ more people. The PDP candidate also spoke on his achievements as vice president, how he was in charge of local government administration in his first nine months in office and how he plans to sustain programmes the PDP launched.

    Any touchy subjects?

    On the issue of medical tourism, Kwankwaso seemed the boldest on the matter when he said he’s in good health and that his doctor has certified he has at least 30 years of life left in him.

    The former Kano State governor said he’d keep using Nigerian health facilities if he becomes president. “We’ll introduce some policies that’ll improve healthcare service delivery through the NHIS. We’ll make healthcare accessible to every Nigerian.”

    Atiku appeared evasive on the matter by saying he would declare his health status if the need arises. On medical tourism he said, “The Nigerian health facilities that cater for my health may not be available. You know that we have limitations. We have been talking about those limitations.”

    Obi also didn’t fully commit to ending medical tourism when he said, “It’s actually required that those aspiring to lead should be able to make their medical records available to the public. And two, I have served as a governor. While serving as governor, I resuscitated some facilities and used them. I’m still using them till today. 

    “I believe if there’s any issue of referral from them, I mean if there’s a situation our healthcare can’t handle, I’ll not say everybody must be restricted here. As for my position, I use the facilities here and I believe in them. And I can tell you they’re very competent. All we need is to believe in them. I’ve shown you how we can use insurance to prove everyone can be cared for.”

    What else?

    All three candidates made pledges to Nigerians. Atiku doubled down on his mantra of unifying the country as president, Obi pledged to form a government of national unity, while Kwankwaso pledged to provide quality education and train as many Nigerians as possible. 

    But as every Nigerian knows from experience, talk is cheap. The one good thing we can take from this town hall is we can hold whoever becomes president accountable based on the promises they’ve made to us.

  • All eyes are set on the 2023 presidential candidates in the race to become Nigeria’s next president and move into Aso Rock Villa. We’ve already profiled the candidates and profiled the wives of the top contenders. But what do we know about their children who could also follow them to Aso Rock Villa next year?

    Bola Tinubu — All Progressives Congress (APC)

    We know Bola Ahmed Tinubu (BAT) has fathered at least six children. They are: Olajide Tinubu (late), Folashade Tinubu-Ojo, Seyi Tinubu, Zainab Tinubu, Habibat Tinubu and Olayinka Tinubu. 

    BAT with his wife and two daughters, Zainab and Habibat. [Daily Post]

    From all indications, only Folashade and Seyi are at the forefront of BAT’s campaign. Seyi, especially, has featured heavily on his father’s campaign trail, most recently in Kano where he led a one-million man march. 

    https://twitter.com/tvcnewsng/status/1594369342652964867

    Seyi describes himself as a serial entrepreneur and happens to have many powerful friends just like his dad.

    Seyi playing with the Oba of Lagos. [Twitter/@BolanleCole]

    With the way he’s moving, Seyi might get an appointment in his father’s administration if he wins. 

    Atiku Abubakar — Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP)

    As the husband to a total of six wives over the years, Atiku Abubakar has fathered enough children to fill two football teams. As at last count, he’s fathered at least 30 children but we certainly won’t be listing all of them here. 

    Atiku with one of his wives and children. [DNB]

    In the book titled “Atiku – The Story of Atiku Abubakar”, he explains that his choice of polygamy was to expand his family having been born without siblings.

    We’re not aware of any of his children actively involved in his campaign though and who can blame them? The man is on his sixth run for the presidency since he started running back in 1993. If it was you, wouldn’t you be tired?

    Peter Obi — Labour Party (LP)

    Peter Obi of the Labour Party has two children: Gabriella Nwamaka Frances Obi and Gregory Oseloka Obi. As far as we know, Gabriella is a teacher based in Nigeria and Gregory is an actor based in the United Kingdom (UK). 

    Obi with his family and Archbishop Valerian Okeke [DNB]

    Like Atiku, we’re not aware of any of Obi’s children actively involved in his campaign. The one time he spoke of his children publicly was to say his son, who was almost 30, had no car. This caused some funny reactions online. 

    ALSO READ: One of These Women Is Nigeria’s Next First Lady

  • Since Atiku Abubakar won the presidential ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in May 2022, he’s known no peace from people within his own party. A group of PDP governors known as the G5 has been pressing his neck frustrating his sixth attempt to become Nigeria’s president.

    The G5 recently visited party chieftain, Bode George, in Lagos State in a bid to resolve the conflict within the party just three months to the 2023 presidential election. Here are the key takeaways from the meeting:

    • The G5 members had a “naming ceremony” and decided to call themselves the “Integrity Group”.
    • They’re now open to “reconciliation talks” to resolve all conflicts in the party.

    But, who exactly are these G5 members?

    [Source: Vanguard]

    Nyesom Wike — Rivers State

    [Source: Vanguard]

    If we’re talking about PDP OGs, Wike is definitely one of them, which is why it’s not a surprise he’s the G5’s ringleader.

    He began his political career as the executive chairman of Obio Akpor Local Government Area in Rivers in 1999. In 2007, he was appointed the chief of staff to the governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi. 

    In July 2011, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed him as the Minister of State for Education and promoted him to Minister of Education in September 2013. He then stepped down as a minister to contest and win the 2015 governorship election in Rivers State.

    With his second term as governor ending in 2023, he contested for the PDP’s presidential ticket but lost to Atiku. After his loss, Wike has been on a rampage and has done everything in his power to fight the man who denied him the ultimate prize. 

    Wike has also been pushing for the resignation of Iyiorcha Ayu, as he believes the party’s national chairman shouldn’t be from the same region as the presidential candidate. He’s also made numerous allegations against the chairman to force his resignation. It’s been an endless battle, and we can only wonder if these reconciliation talks will be for good this time.

    Seyi Makinde  —  Oyo State 

    [Source: Punch]

    Popular opinion on Twitter says that Seyi Makinde is the “best governor in Nigeria” but what makes him tick? Makinde, unlike Wike, hasn’t always been a member of the PDP. He first contested in a senatorial election as a candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in 2007 but lost. He joined the PDP in 2010 to contest the Oyo South senatorial district a second time and lost again.

    But if there’s one thing we know for sure, it’s that Makinde never says never. He lost the PDP’s Oyo governorship ticket in 2014, and moved to the Social Democratic Party (SDP) to contest the 2015 governorship election, which he lost before he returned to the PDP to win the 2019 governorship election.

    Since then, there have been notable achievements in his career as governor, from renovating 299 primary healthcare centers to regular pension payments for civil service workers in Oyo State.

    With the 2023 elections, however, Makinde seems to be switching to the other side of the fence again, as he’s been seen to be supporting the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Tinubu. Even Peter Obi, the Labour Party (LP) candidate, has met Makinde for consultations, which raises many questions.



    Samuel Ortom — Benue State

    [Source: Vanguard]


    Interestingly, Ortom won his first term as Benue State governor in 2015 as a member of the APC. However, he switched camps to the PDP in 2018 due to an “internal crisis” and won re-election in 2019. Ortom’s reign hasn’t had so much of a smooth run, and has been tainted by communal crises that have claimed thousands of lives. 


    He’s one of the G5’s loudest voices against Atiku and recently clashed with the candidate over his stance on the Fulani herdsmen blamed for attacks in Benue. He also believes a southerner should be president, which is possibly why he went all the way to Labour Party to give his support to Obi instead.


    Okezie Ikpeazu — Abia State

    [Source: Vanguard]

    Ikpeazu isn’t an alien to controversy as he was accused of submitting false information to the PDP during the 2015 elections and was sacked as governor. However, he appealed the court ruling and won, and he was even successful in running for a second term.

    Since then, he has been accused of siphoning government funds to his own personal companies and has been flagged by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) as the state with the highest number of unpaid salaries.


    Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi — Enugu State

    [Source: Premium Times]

    If the G5 was a secondary school classroom, Ugwuanyi would be the quiet boy sitting in front.

    Once a member of the House of Representatives in 2003, he’s serving his second term as the governor of Enugu State since his first victory in 2015. He’s known for the rehabilitation of key roads in Enugu, including internal roads in Nsukka and Achi.

  • The presidential candidate for the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, was attacked on November 9, 2022, while on his way to a campaign engagement in Maiduguri, Borno State. Reports say the attack was carried out by some supporters of the All Progressives Congress (APC) who were identified by the party emblems they were carrying.  

    The candidate’s supporters have been attacked before. On October 17, thugs reportedly invaded its rally in Kaduna and beat people up. In the recent Borno attack, 70 people were reportedly injured in the Borno attack, with dozens of vehicles vandalized. 

    It is unclear if Atiku was harmed, but he would probably think twice before setting foot in Borno State again. 

    Also recall that in October 2022, open threats were made by a member of the House of Assembly, Mohammed Gajiram, declaring the need for APC to win all their elections if it means “people being killed and buried in holes.”

    In response to the death threats, a PDP representative in Borno state, Alhaji Zanna Gaddama, has openly appealed to both the Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), the National Security Adviser (NSA) and the Inspector General of Police (IG) for help. 

    What does Nigerian law say about death threats?

    In Section 323 of our nation’s Criminal Code Act, there is only a punishment for the threat to kill if the threat is written. As it states, “Any person who, knowing the contents thereof, directly or indirectly causes any person to receive any writing threatening to kill any person is guilty of a felony and is liable to imprisonment for seven years.” 

    However, Gajiram did break Subsection 2 of Section 92 of the Electoral Act of 2022 which states that “abusive, intemperate, slanderous or base language or insinuations or innuendoes designed or likely to provoke violent reaction or emotions shall not be employed or used in political campaigns.”

    Who else has been attacked this election season? 

    Even with the signing of a peace accord by all the presidential candidates, there have been signs of bad faith. This ranges from violence, intolerance, and hate speech.

    Peter Obi

    The Labour Party candidate has received his own share of violence. In September,  gunmen threatened Peter Obi’s supporters in Enugu, while they were holding a meeting in the Awga community. 

    Four unknown gunmen suddenly showed up, shot in the air, and disrupted the meeting.  A day earlier, some members of the party were also attacked in Nenwe of the same state. 

    About a week later, Obi’s supporters were again attacked in Ebonyi state. This time, some members of the Nigeria Police were identified as assailants. In a statement, the Labour Party’s National Publicity Secretary accused APC of using the police to promote violence.

    In October, Obi’s supporters, known as “flag boys” were brutalized in Lagos. The flag boys were accused of carrying Peter Obi’s flags around Oshodi in Lagos. They got beaten by thugs and attempts were made to burn them alive. 

    Senator Ifeanyi Ubah

    In September, Ubah, was ambushed and attacked at Enugwu-Ukwu in Njikoka LGA of Anambra State. Five people were killed during this attack, including some police officers and the senator’s aides. 

    Why should you care about electoral violence?

    As a citizen, electoral violence goes against your right to vote for any candidate of your choice, as stated in the INEC’s Voter Education section. 

    You should also be allowed to attend any rally for any candidate without the fear of being harassed. Start by holding your preferred candidate accountable to the peace accord all parties signed.