• This article is part of Had I Known, Zikoko’s theme for September 2025, where we explore Nigerian stories of regret and the lessons learnt. Read more Had I Known stories here.


    Michael Adesanya (37) was the Labour Party candidate for the Remo Constituency House of Representatives seat in the August 2025 bye-elections. But after months of sacrifice and campaigning, his name was left off the ballot. He shares how his idealism collided with the harsh realities of Nigerian politics.

    As told to Franklyn

    Politics excites me. For as long as I can remember, it always has.

    Growing up, when elders prayed for us, they would say, “You will be Governor one day,” or “You’ll grow up to be President.” So, for me, political office holders were always the symbols of success. 

    I think I’m a natural politician. It really excites me, and I woke up feeling very excited that morning. I was staying at my mother’s home in Shagamu in Ogun state for the campaign, and I’d begun to love the refreshing feeling of the Shagamu air in the morning.

    But when my PA rushed into my room, I thought someone had died. His shoulders were slumped under the invisible weight of sadness and panic. He locked eyes with me and asked, “Oga, sotigbo?” Have you heard?

    I was already imagining the worst when I replied, “Heard what?”


    The news that Nigeria had happened to my political career took a moment to settle in, because first I was hit with the relief that nobody I cared about had passed on. But when the reality of the situation sank in, it hit me hard.

    The rest of my campaign team had arrived at the house, and we all just sat in silence for at least half an hour. Nobody had died, but it was still a room full of mourners. We were mourning the months of our lives, the blood, sweat and tears we’d poured into the campaign.

    It was August 2 and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had just announced that the Labour Party had been disqualified from the 2025 bye-elections taking place on August 16 due to the leadership tussle in the party. Just like that, all our efforts were flushed down the drain just days before the election. We wouldn’t even be allowed to compete.

    I felt almost numb at first, but looking at the deflated faces of my friends, my supporters, the people who had given me all their time and dedication over those months, really crystallised the emotions for me. Their feelings became mine.

    Months of nonstop work wasted for something we had no power to change. We had done everything right, but through no fault of ours, we were handed the worst kind of defeat.

    There was disbelief, disappointment, sadness, even anger. But for me, there was also something creeping at the back of my mind: regret.

    I found myself wondering how I’d ended up in this moment.


    It was March 2025, and I was standing on the beach, feeling the coolness of the water between my toes, soaking up the Maldives sun. My wife was behind me, lounging with her latest read. It was our tenth wedding anniversary. It was perfect. But I was restless.

    I kept asking myself, “What will I do next in my life?”

    I had my phone in my hands and couldn’t stop researching the same thing: what were my chances of winning the House of Representatives seat?

    I’d heard about the death of Honourable Adewunmi Adenuga back in January, which left our constituency’s seat open. I knew the bye-elections were coming. I had thought about it then, but talked myself out of it. I didn’t feel ready.

    But the holiday in the Maldives gave me time to reflect. It was like an epiphany. I knew this was what I needed to do. I envisioned a thirty-year plan for a political career and decided my first step would be the House of Representatives.

    I told my wife, and she supported me. We’ve been together since university, and she’d always known about my love for politics from back in our school days when I was involved in faculty politics.

    Her only conditions were that we set a hard limit on the campaign budget and that she and our kids would remain in California. I agreed, and she gave her blessing. I immediately called my brother and my friends to tell them my plans, and everyone was so supportive.

    Even before I arrived in Nigeria, they had started having conversations with political parties to find the right platform for me.


    After sitting in silence with the team for what felt like forever, I packed my bags and went back to my house in Lagos. I spent the next few days in my room trying to process everything. I barely left the room. My sister would bring me food, which I barely ate. I barely even showered. It was a retreat from the world, a sort of hibernation.

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    When I decided to run, the most important thing to me was to at least compete. I needed to be on the ballot to really know where I stood with the people of my constituency. That was the main reason I chose the Labour Party. The internal politics of other parties meant I wasn’t guaranteed a spot on their ballots.

    I was really inspired by Peter Obi’s candidacy in 2023. To me, it showed that you didn’t have to automatically choose either the APC or the PDP. It proved that if you’re truly convinced about the change you want to make, choosing a party like LP is a viable option. You just have to be ready to put in the work. And I was ready. I did put in the work.

    I wanted a party that would allow me to really compete without any internal pressure to step down and endorse someone else because “it’s their turn” and I should wait for mine. So I chose the Labour Party.

    But in the solitude of my room in the days that followed, I started second-guessing that choice.


    My father was a PDP man, so it felt almost natural that I should join the party, too. When I told my mother about my ambition, she also suggested either the PDP or the APC, but I convinced her my choice of the Labour Party was the right one.

    Looking back, I can’t believe I willingly walked into a party with two warring factions. Everything was much harder and more expensive than I thought it would be.

    There was barely any structure in the party at the grassroots level, and what little existed was split between the two factions.

    My constituency, Remo, consists of thirty-five wards across three local government areas. The party is supposed to have a ward secretariat in each ward and a local government secretariat in each local government. When I arrived, I saw there were no ward secretariats and only one local government secretariat.

    But I rolled up my sleeves and got to work. The same mentality I had in my career with start-ups took over. To get things moving, I opened ten ward secretariats. I also organised reconciliation meetings between the representatives of the two factions in my constituency.

    It was a very difficult situation to navigate. Obviously, the issues originated from the national level, and I was never going to make the factions see eye to eye. But I needed to make sure both supported my candidacy. And I did. It looked like I was actually going to pull it off—until it didn’t.

    When the African Democratic Congress (ADC) coalition was announced in July 2025, I was advised to make the switch, both by members of my inner circle and even some members of the party. But I didn’t want to come off as disloyal. Was it not too early in my political career to start cross-carpeting like the typical desperate, power-hungry politician?

    My choice was made. I had invested time and resources into the Labour Party. I was starting to build relationships, too. I couldn’t imagine having to start all over again with a different party.

    How naïve I was.


    There’s a way time starts to blend into itself the longer you stay in isolation. And in that moment of fluidity, it was like all my memories were merging, flowing into each other like mixing rivers.

    I remembered how, after graduating from Stanford University, I got a 9-to-5 job as a strategy operations officer. The monotony, the lack of satisfaction, the constant feeling of unfulfillment—a voice in the back of my mind saying, “This cannot be all.”

    I remembered when I had to step away from my first start-up. It all felt too familiar. I’d convinced people to invest based on their trust in me. And now, once again, I’d gotten so many people, my friends, my family, to invest their time, energy, even their money, and I’d failed again.

    It felt like I was reliving patterns. What do I tell them now? Will they ever trust me again?

    I was angry at everything. Angry at the whole political system, the party leaders, and at myself for being too idealistic in my approach to politics.

    But the anger turned into fuel. It ended my hibernation. I couldn’t keep feeling sorry for myself. The next day, I made my way back to Shagamu.

    My family and friends rallied around me. They had been worried by my silence. They understood just how passionate I was and feared the weight of the disappointment might drive me to do something crazy.

    I told them I wanted to fight this. My brother encouraged me, and everyone picked their chins up and held out hope that the issue could be resolved and we’d still be allowed to contest. So we resolved to keep the same energy we’d had all along and keep campaigning.

    I made calls to the party leadership to discuss our legal options to force INEC to recognise my candidacy. We fought until the last day. But the election went ahead with the name field for the Labour candidate left blank. An empty space where my name should have been. We fought, and we lost.


    “Welcome back,” my wife said, hugging me when I rejoined her and the kids in our house in California.

    Missing them for months while I campaigned in Nigeria was another sacrifice on a long list of sacrifices that now seemed to have been in vain. Another thing to regret.

    She had been there for all of it—every win, every loss, from when I ran for faculty president at the University of Lagos (UNILAG) to running for student association president at Stanford. She had seen me consider going into politics in 2019 and again in 2023. Maybe it was finally being with someone who truly got me, who understood how much this meant, that helped me remember myself.

    There’s something about regret that makes you a personal historian. You find yourself living in the past. Should I have chosen a different party? Should I have switched when I still had the chance? Should I not have run at all and waited until I was better prepared in 2027?

    As I picked apart the decisions that led me to that moment, my mind ventured even further back. After graduating from UNILAG, I got a job at Procter & Gamble. But even then, I was thinking about politics. That was why I applied for the Stanford scholarship and went to America. I wanted to better myself so I could come back, get involved in politics, and use political power to do real good that would improve people’s lives. I still want to do that.

    The wounds are still fresh. My regrets still haunt me in the quiet moments when the laughter of my children can’t distract me from my thoughts. But in those regrets, there are lessons. And I’ve learned.

    I don’t know exactly what it will look like when I do, but even now, I know myself and I know I’ll try again.

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  • The APC is just two senators shy of a two-thirds majority in the Senate, and it feels like every other week we hear about another defection from the opposition. The idea of a one-party system is not just speculation anymore—it is starting to look like a very real possibility.

    Defections, coalitions, and alliances are not new in Nigerian politics. But why is it so easy for politicians to switch sides, team up, fall out, reconcile—and then fall out again? Why does it matter so little which party a candidate belongs to? And why has it become normal for serving officials to switch parties mid-term?

    The simplest answer? Ideology—or rather, the lack of it.

    Victoria Oladipo, a political scientist and founder of Learn Politics NG, an organisation focused on making political education accessible, believes defections are so common in Nigeria because politicians view it as “A quest for power.”

    The ideology of party politics

    In places like the United States and much of Europe, politics is shaped by deep ideological divides—liberal versus conservative, left versus right. Parties are built around these core beliefs. For instance, Republicans (typically conservative) believe in lowering taxes and reducing government spending, while Democrats (typically liberal) believe that taxes should be scaled according to income and that the government should invest in providing services, such as healthcare, for the less fortunate. The tug-of-war between them defines the political landscape.

    It is not just rare for politicians to switch parties in that kind of system—it is risky. It means changing your entire brand, your rhetoric, and sometimes even your values. If a politician truly believes in their party’s ideology, then jumping ship is basically off the table.

    But Nigeria’s political system is built differently, and it didn’t start today.

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    Na ideology we go chop?

    Post-colonial politics was immediately dominated by ethnically motivated regional parties, such as Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) in the South West and Tafawa Balewa’s Northern People’s Congress (NPC) in the North.

    These parties formed the foundation for the current trend of ethnically based political parties in Nigeria with regional strongholds: APGA in the South East, APC in the South West, and PDP in the South South and South East. Some are even more localised, like the NNPP in Kano.

    This sort of political landscape allows for simpler, sentiment-based politics, where ideology and policy discussions often take a back seat and trivial things like ethnic loyalty and political settlement become the focus points of politicians’ campaigns. A more recent instance is Bola Tinubu, whose informal campaign slogan during the 2023 election, Emi Lokan, means “it is my turn.”

    Nigerian politicians know what a largely politically illiterate populace wants to hear. And it is not ideological debates. The average Nigerian voter, typically religious and conservative, is not interested in culture wars or abstract political theory. They want real, tangible improvements in their lives. So promises of safer and better roads, steady electricity, and cheaper food are what move the needle here.

    This reality was demonstrated in a 2022 study done ahead of the 2023 general elections. The study, which surveyed 1043 Nigerian voters found that  42 per cent of them wanted to hear political aspirants speak on insecurity,  28 per cent wanted to hear about the economy, while 23 per cent were more interested in job creation.

    ALSO READ: Wrapped: Worst Nigerian Politicians of 2024

    The loopholes in the Nigerian constitution is an enabler

    Political scientist, Victoria Oladipo, believes the main reason Nigerian politicians defect so easily is because there is virtually nothing stopping them. “There are no consequences for such actions, and where there are no consequences for actions, people will do whatever they like,” she said.

    A Quick Look at the 1999 Constitution confirms Victoria’s statement; It only addresses the defection of legislative members, stating that they are to vacate their seats if they switch parties mid-term. However, there is no such provision for executive office holders who abandon the parties that got them elected.

    Even the law for legislators contains a convenient loophole that Nigerian politicians frequently exploit: it permits party switching if the legislator’s original party experiences a “division.”

    As a result, politicians often claim internal divisions at the slightest opportunity and use that as a justification to defect.

    The consequences of an ideology-free politics?

    So what happens when all  the parties end up saying the same things. Their manifestos are basically copy-paste: infrastructure, jobs, security, development. And if everyone is selling the same product, it becomes easy for politicians to switch brands without losing credibility. There is no need to rebrand or explain themselves—they simply keep selling the same promises under a new logo.

    In a system where ideology does not matter, what does matter is perceived effectiveness. If every candidate is promising the same things, then the real competition is about who can deliver, or who can convince people that they will deliver.

    In theory, this kind of system—where ideology is irrelevant and messaging is uniform—is tailor-made for a one-party setup. And that may be where Nigeria is headed.

    Victoria disagrees with this line of thinking. “I do not think that we are eventually going to get to a one-party system,” she said, emphasizing that  Nigerian politics is too diverse, with too many major players and big personalities to fit into a single party. She points to the cracks appearing in the opposition coalition under the umbrella of the ADC and their difficulty in deciding on a frontrunner for the 2027 presidential elections.

    Victoria’s assessment mirrors that of Prince Adewole Adebayo, the 2023 presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Speaking about the possibility of a one-party system, he said: “What makes a one-party state is when people think that they do not need any other party outside the one that is ruling, or when people are being forced by law not to create another party.”

    Opposition leaders have accused the APC of having ambitions of a one-party state, though the APC leadership has denied it, stating that they do not need a one-party system to win elections.

    ALSO READ: Is Politics a Dirty Game?

    What do existing one-party states look like? 

    There are many countries practising one-party systems—some officially, others not so much. For instance, in Russia, there are 27 officially registered political parties. However, the ruling party, United Russia (UR), has held a parliamentary majority since 2007 and an absolute majority since 2016.

    In China, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has held a monopoly on power since 1949. Though smaller parties are allowed to exist, they are all affiliated with the CPC and are not permitted any real power.

    Singapore has been governed by the People’s Action Party (PAP) since its independence in 1965, though opposition parties are also allowed to exist and contest elections.

    Russia, China and Singapore have very high Human Development Index (HDI) scores. Russia has an HDI of 0.832, China’s is 0.797, and Singapore’s is 0.946, indicating a generally high quality of life. However, all three countries are highly restrictive of freedoms, particularly in relation to political dissent, the press and freedom of expression. They score poorly on the Freedom of Expression Index, with Russia at 0.08, China at 0.04 and Singapore at 0.34.

    To put it simply, while material gains and economic development are possible in one-party systems, they do not allow democratic norms to thrive. True democracy and its associated freedoms must be sacrificed at the altar of one-party progress.

    Can we make a case for the current state of Nigerian politics?

    Whether Nigerians are getting a fair deal in this ideologically poor, productivity-focused system would be a more interesting debate if Nigerian politicians were actually productive. If they delivered on their promises, we could have a discussion about whether the lost freedoms of a one-party system are worth it.

    However, what we have in Nigeria is a recipe for disaster should a one-party system emerge. At present, the competition from opposition parties has not inspired the ruling party to improve its performance. So, what happens when there is no competition at all?

    It is important to note that the ruling parties of Russia, China, and Singapore have fiercely nationalist ideologies. Importing the one-party system into Nigeria’s unique political environment is dangerous. Nigerian parties are more tribalistic than nationalist, so it actually risks worsening ethnic tensions.

    Nigeria’s Gen Z democracy is still finding its feet

    When asked why Nigerian politics is less structured when compared to some other countries, Victoria Oladipo pointed out that it is a young democracy which still has a long way to go.

    “When you are 26 years old (like Nigeria’s democracy), you cannot have your whole life figured out,” she said. “I do not think that comparing Nigeria with established democracies like the United States is a fair way to look at things because Nigeria’s democracy is still quite young at 26, and America has over 200 years of democracy.”

    However, she does not want that to be used as an excuse for complacency. “Still, when you are 26, you are old enough to know what you ought to do.” She wants to see Nigeria begin working towards consolidating democracy and believes a one-party system would be the wrong direction.

    “I do not think there is any democracy that survives in a one-party system. Any form of government that only has one entity in power is not a democracy anymore. It is a façade of what democracy is.”

    So much of Nigeria’s current leadership spent their early adulthood under military rule, and we may not see a democratic culture truly entrenched in Nigeria until those born post-1999 are old enough to take the reins of leadership.

    Falling into the trap of a one-party system risks smothering our young democracy before it can truly come into its own, and its citizens can begin to reap its promised dividends.

    How can the youth  protect Nigeria’s democracy?

    Victoria believes that strengthening multi-party politics in Nigeria requires a shift towards ideological and issue-based politics. “If we want to push ideology-based politics, we need to vote for candidates that represent the things that matter to us the most,” she said.

    However, she noted that there is a gap in knowledge among Nigerian voters that prevents them from linking politics to the policies that affect their lives. To bridge this gap, she says organisations like Learn Politics NG have a big role to play. “Organisations like Learn Politics have to continue raising awareness and shaping political thinking to help people understand, draw conclusions, and make rational decisions. We need to educate citizens on the logic behind politics and why they have to vote a certain way to achieve the kind of Nigeria we desire.”

    But Victoria does not want Nigerians to see voting as the only means of political engagement. She said: “I call voting and elections the highlight of democracy, but there are also many smaller, equally important factors like the relationship between citizens and the government. How often do citizens actually engage in the democratic process? For the kind of democracy we aspire to, we need to learn to speak out more. And I do not just mean protesting.”

    She wants to see more citizens using democratic provisions such as the Freedom of Information Act, (which allowed a man in Ekiti to sue a local government chairman over the budget for a gate project) to hold their leaders accountable. “We cannot build the kind of democracy we want if we do not hold leaders accountable.”

    “Another thing that we can do is to start joining political parties,” she said. But she wants to see more political participation even outside the existing political parties. “I am really hoping that the Independent Candidacy Bill will pass so that we will see how people can organise themselves outside of the established parties.”

    Looking ahead to the 2027 elections and beyond, Victoria felt it was still too early to make any predictions about Nigeria’s political future. “I do not know what will happen; the political system is quite volatile,” she said. Whatever happens, she hopes for fairness and the continuation of Nigeria’s democratic plurality. “I would love to see, at the very least, free and fair elections. We deserve that much. And we need to maintain our democracy because it gives us something very important: freedom of choice.”

    ALSO READ: What’s It Like Dating a Politician? We Asked 7 Nigerians

    All opinions expressed by Victoria are solely her own and do not reflect the views of any individuals, organisations, or entities she is affiliated with or represents.

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  • Electoral campaign season means promise season in Nigeria. These promises are typically bigger than life itself; most are never fulfilled. In 2023, many of President Tinubu’s promises targeted women, who made up 47.5% of total voters. Now, if these promises were debts, Tinubu would owe every woman in the country at least ₦35,000. 

    What’s going on?

    Like every other presidential aspirant during the 2023 elections, President Tinubu released a  manifesto document. His was titled “Renewed Hope 2023—Action Plan for a Better Nigeria.” In this document, he promised to reserve at least 35% of all positions under his administration for women.  It’s been over two years since he made that promise, yet he’s  nowhere near hitting that mark.

    So, how many women are actually in his cabinet?

    In his 2023 ministerial list, President Tinubu appointed nine women out of 48 ministers. That’s about 18.75%, far below the promised 35%. If you think the bar is in hell, you’d be surprised that it dropped even lower with only eight women now in his cabinet. The percentage is down to 16.7%. The reduction is partly due to a reshuffle that saw Betta Edu replaced as Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction by Dr Nentawe Yilwatda in October 2024.

    Why does this matter?

    Representation isn’t just about numbers; it’s about giving people a seat at the table where decisions affecting them are made. With women making up 49.47% of Nigeria’s population and 47.5% of voters in the 2023 elections, it’s fair to say they’re a force to be reckoned with when it comes to shaping the country’s future. But despite their contributions, women continue to face systemic barriers in politics and governance. The 35% promise was meant to address this imbalance and ensure women’s voices are heard at the highest levels of government, but here we are.

    What could the administration do differently?

    President Tinubu still has time to course-correct. If he wakes up one morning and decides to make good on his promise, he can start by appointing more women to other federal positions, boards, and agencies. He can also be more deliberate in assigning more women to key roles where they can make tangible impacts, not just serve as tokens of diversity.

    Will Tinubu’s administration ever fulfil its 35% promise?

    It’s hard to say. With two years gone, it seems less likely, but things could still change if Nigerians, especially women, continue to hold the administration accountable. Campaign promises should be treated like contracts, and citizens have every right to demand delivery.

    In the end, promises to women are more than political bargaining strategies—they’re commitments to justice and equality. Failing to meet these promises is disappointing; it’s a disservice to nearly half of the nation’s population.


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  • Blurb:

    President Bola Tinubu won the 2023 elections and was sworn-in on May 29, 2023. As is customary, he recruited a new set of ministers to work with. The president appointed 45 new ministers with a slight increase in his female selection. They were sworn in on August 21, 2023.

    The full list of ministers and their portfolios includes:

    Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy 

    Name: Dr Bosun Tijani

    Age: 46

    State of origin: Ogun

    Geopolitical Region: South West 

    Another name for this man could be Minister of Tech. His job is to influence job creation, economic growth, and good governance through technology and innovation. It’s a new portfolio, but long overdue.

    Minister of State, Environment and Ecological Management  

    Name: Dr Ishak Kunle Salako

    Age: 64 

    State of origin: Ogun 

    Geopolitical Region: South West

    The Minister of State for Environment, Environment and Ecological Management in Nigeria leads environmental sustainability efforts, implementing research-based reforms and ensuring a greener environment. 

    Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy  

    Name: Wale Edun

    Age: 61 

    State of origin: Ogun 

    Geopolitical Region: South West

    Ever heard of the national budget, AKA national cake, that everyone wants to get a piece of? This man  is in charge of it. Everything about how money works in Nigeria is this man’s cup of tea.

    Minister of Marine and Blue Economy 

    Name: Adegboyega Oyetola

    Age: 69

    State of origin: Osun State 

    Geopolitical Region: South West 

    This Osun state ex-governor helps Nigeria make money from the water through practices such as fisheries, aquaculture, tourism, shipping, and maritime transportation.

    Minister of Power 

    Name: Adebayo Adelabu

    Age: 53

    State of origin: Oyo State 

    Geopolitical Region: South West 

    For everything concerning the national grid and electricity, hold this man accountable. He is literally NEPA. 

    Minister of State, Health and Social Welfare

    Name: Tunji Alausa

    Age: 53 

    State of origin: Lagos

    Geopolitical Region: South West 

    Remember that we had prefects and assistants in school? The same applies here. The Minister of State assists the Minister of Health and welfare in providing healthcare facilities, disease prevention and improving the Nigerian health system. 

    Minister of Solid Minerals Development 

    Name: Dele Alake

    Age: 67

    State of origin: Ekiti state

    Geopolitical Region: South West 

    We’re always ranting about mismanagement of Nigeria’s natural resources. This minister’s job is to ensure our solid minerals are profitable and sustainable.

    Minister of Tourism 

    Name: Lola Ade-John

    Age: 60

    State of origin: Lagos

    Geopolitical Region: South West

    For laws, funds and licences regarding tourism, hotels and affiliated centres, this is the go-to minister. She also heads the Council for Arts and Culture.

    Minister of Transportation 

    Name: Sa’idu Ahmed Alkali

    Age: 55 

    State of origin: Gombe

    Geopolitical Region:  North East

    A lot of Nigerians will probably want to have a word or two with the minister who is in charge of road safety, efficiency and fair transport rates. The Minister directs and manages the transportation sector to ensure a safe, and integrated transport system.

    Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment

    Name: Doris Uzoka-Anite

    Age: 50

    State of origin: Imo  State

    Geopolitical Region: South East 

    This minister can be called the national iyaloja which means captain of the market. She’s in charge of how Nigeria runs businesses either with other countries or between citizens. 

    Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology

    Name: Uche Geoffrey Nnaji

    Age: Unknown

    State of origin: Enugu

    Geopolitical Region: South East

    Need a minister to handle the sciences and represent the government’s interest in terms of research? That’s what this one is for. 

    Minister of State, Labour and Employment

    Name: Nkiruka Onyejeocha

    Age: 54 

    State of origin: Abia state

    Geopolitical Region: South East 

    The Minister of State for Labour and Employment deals with issues such as poor working conditions, child labour, labour migration, registration of trade unions, and overall labour protection services.  The National Labour prefect never felt so right. 

    Minister of Women Affairs

    Name: Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye

    Age: 50 

    State of origin: Anambra

    Geopolitical Region: South East 

    For all things female in Nigeria, this woman takes the lead. Either it is business, empowerment, education, arts, households or even disputes. She’s the national headgirl.

    Minister of Works

    Name: David Umahi

    Age: 60

    State of origin: Ebonyi

    Geopolitical Region: South East 

    Bridges, roads, houses, hospitals, barracks etc —- everything can be traced back to this man. Talk about being a life-size bob-the-builder. 

    Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development

    Name: Festus Keyamo

    Age: 54 

    State of origin: Delta State 

    Geopolitical region: South South 

    Who needs the Avatar Aang when we have our own airlord? The Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development monitors and directs Nigeria’s air travel and aviation services. 

    Minister of Youth

    Name: Dr Jamila Ibrahim

    Age: 37 

    State of origin-  Kwara state

    Geopolitical Region: North Central

    Her job is to promote socio-economic development for the Nigerian youth. Basically, she’s like the class rep but for young people in Nigeria. 

    Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation

    Name: Betta Edu

    Age- 37

    State of origin-  Cross River 

    Geopolitical region- South South

    Although currently suspended for embezzlement of funds, the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation in Nigeria is usually responsible for developing humanitarian policies and showing the government how best to help its citizens.

    Minister of Foreign Affairs 

    Name: Yusuf Tuggar

    Age- 57

    State of origin: Bauchi

    Geopolitical Region: North East

    The Job of “oga foreign” is to direct foreign policies that reflect the domestic, political, economic, technological, social, and cultural aspirations of the Nigerian people. 

    Minister of State, Gas Resources

    Name: Ekperikpe Ekpo

    Age: 55

    State of origin: Akwa Ibom 

    Geopolitical region: South South

    Nothing new here, just the assistant minister of gas resources. His job is to help Nigeria tap into its natural gas assets. 

    Minister of State, Petroleum Resources

    Name: Heineken Lokpobiri

    Age: 57 

    State of origin: Bayelsa State

    Geopolitical region: South South

    In one word, The Minister of State, Petroleum Resources works with the Minister of Petroleum to drive policies that enhance the sector and economy.

    Minister of Sports Development

    Name: John Enoh

    Age: 57

    State of origin: Cross River State

    Geopolitical Region: South East 

    If jerseys and teams are involved, this man attends to the matter on a national level. The job of the Minister of Sports Development in Nigeria involves overseeing youth and sports development policies, programs, and activities. 

    Minister of Federal Capital Territory

    Name: Nyesom Wike

    Age: 56

    State of origin: Rivers State

    Geopolitical region: South South

    The Minister plays a crucial role in institutions, headquarters, and political entities in the FCT, which houses major political figures and government institutions. 

    Minister of Art, Culture and the Creative Economy

    Name: Hannatu Musawa

    Age: 49

    State of origin: Katsina State

    Geopolitical Region: North West 

    Just like the science folks got their minister, there’s one for art too. The Minister of Art, Culture, and the Creative Economy in Nigeria is tasked with the development of the creative sector in the country. This includes initiatives to support artists, preserve cultural heritage, and drive economic growth through creative industries. 

    Minister of Defence

    Name: Mohammed Badaru

    Age: 61 

    State of origin:  Jigawa State 

    Geopolitical region: North-West

    This man is the don in charge of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, ensuring they are modern, competent, and well-equipped to fulfil their duties effectively. He keeps them trained and ready on all fronts. 

    Minister of State, Defence

    Name: Bello Matawalle

    Age: 55 years 

    State of Origin: Zamfara State 

    Geopolitical Region- North West 

    This is the assistant defence minister. He’s in charge of the National Defence Policy, and helps the balance for internal and external security needs.

    Minister of State Education 

    Name: Tanko Sununu

    Age: 72 

    State of origin:  Kebbi State

    Geopolitical Region: North West 

    The Minister of State for Education’s responsibilities include creating and managing educational policies, resolving federal and local state matters, and executing duties related to the Federal Ministry of Education, 

    Minister of Housing and Urban Development

    Name: Ahmed M. Dangiwa

    Age: 61 

    State of Origin:

    Geopolitical Region: North 

    The is the federal real estate agent, if you may. His job is to provide affordable housing, foster livable communities, and ensure access to decent and quality housing for all Nigerians. He’s also the man who decides what lands can be commercial or public, and what houses have been wrongly built or not.

    Minister of State, Housing and Urban Development

    Name: Abdullahi T. Gwarzo

    Age: 63

    State of Origin: Kano state 

    Geopolitical Region: North West

    Beyond housing, this minister seeks to foster public-private partnerships, creating an enabling environment for private-sector investments, and advocating for sustainable urban development. He’s also in conjunction with the minister of housing.

    Minister of Budget and Economic Planning 

    Name: Abubakar Atiku Bagudu

    Age: 62

    State of origin: Kebbi

    Geopolitical Region: North West

    This is your guy for economic plans, policies, budgeting, advice on development, and nation building. He works closely with the minister of finance and is often in charge of planning how national expenditure happens. 

    Minister of State, Federal Capital Territory

    Name: Mairiga Mahmud

    Age: 48

    State of origin: Kano

    Geopolitical Region: North West

    The Minister of State supports the main Minister in executing various responsibilities related to governance, infrastructure development, and service delivery within the FCT. 

    Minister of State, Water Resources and Sanitation

    Name: Bello M. Goronyo

    Age: 58

    State of origin: Sokoto

    Geopolitical zone: North West

    This Minister assists in the administration of activities within the ministry, allowing the senior minister to focus on delivering water and sanitation services nationwide. 

    Minister of Agriculture and Food Security

    Name: Abubakar Kyari 

    Age: 61

    State of origin: Borno

    Geopolitical Region: Northeast

    He’s the reason why the agricultural sector is still alive. The Minister of Agriculture and Food Security in Nigeria is responsible for ensuring food security, rural income growth, job creation, and rural development.

    Minister of Education

    Name: Tahir Mamman

    Age: 69

    State of origin: Adamawa

    Geopolitical Region: North East

    The Minister of Education is the biggest driver of the education agenda through budgeting, policies, inspection and standard-setting. He defines the educational trends and models for institutions across the country.

    Minister of Interior

    Name: Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo

    Age: 42

    State of origin: Ondo

    Geopolitical Region: South West

    This minister is everywhere in internal affairs. He covers various duties such as granting Nigerian citizenship, providing consular and immigration services, issuing business permits and expatriate quotas, managing federal marriage registries, coordinating national celebrations, managing national emergencies, recruiting personnel for security services, and handling retirement benefits for paramilitary retirees.   

    Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare

    Name: Prof Muhammad Ali Pate (CON)

    Age: 55

    State of origin: Bauchi 

    Geopolitical Region: North East

    The task of providing quality healthcare for all Nigerians, achieving health goals, and enhancing health security measures falls on this minister. He is the go-to for national health partnerships with international bodies and whatnot. 

    Minister of Police Affairs

    Name: Ibrahim Geidam

    Age: 67

    State of origin: Yobe

    Geopolitical Region: North East

    The Minister of Police Affairs oversees the affairs of the Nigerian Police Force, ensuring the effective administration and management of the country’s law enforcement agency. 

    Minister of State, Steel Development

    Name: Uba Maigari Ahmadu

    Age: 57

    State of origin: Taraba

    Geopolitical Region: North East

    The Minister of State works with the main minister of steel development to collaborate with stakeholders, industry players, and government agencies to promote the importance of steel in driving economic activities, supporting construction projects, and fostering technological advancements in Nigeria. Basically, he’s Iron Man but from Taraba.

    Minister of Steel Development

    Name: Shuaibu A. Audu

    Age: 43

    State of origin: Kogi

    Geopolitical Region: North Central

    The minister’s job is to lead efforts to revive key steel projects like the Ajaokuta Steel Company, formulate policies, implement strategic initiatives, and partner with stakeholders to ensure the success of steel development projects. 

    Minister of Information and National Orientation

    Name: Muhammed Idris 

    Age: 57

    State of origin: Niger

    Geopolitical Region: North Central

    Ever seen a public relations officer at work? This is the National P.R.O. He controls the information distribution process and serves as the key spokesperson for the Nigerian federal government. 

    Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice

    Name: Lateef Fagbemi

    Age: 64

    State of origin: Kwara

    Geopolitical Region: North Central 

    This is the chief law officer of the Federal Government. He represents the government in legal matters, provides legal advice to government agencies, oversees public prosecutions, and ensures the rule of law is upheld.  

    Minister of Labour and Employment

    Name: Simon Bako Lalong

    Age: 60

    State of origin: Plateau

    Geopolitical Region: North Central 

    The relationship between workers and employers can be complicated, but this man lords over such disputes and ensures that labour relations remain cordial. He also manages labour policies in both the public and private sectors. 

    Minister of State, Police Affairs

    Name: Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim

    Age: 43

    State of origin: Plateau 

    Geopolitical Region: North Central 

    This Minister works on implementing police reform efforts, enhancing community engagement, transparency, and professionalism within the police force. He works with the minister of police affairs to ensure that the armed forces and security are managed properly.

    Minister of Special Duties and Intergovernmental Affairs

    Name: Zephaniah Bitrus Jisalo

    Age: 54

    State of origin: FCT

    Geopolitical Region: North Central 

    If anything is tagged as unconventional or special, this minister handles it. Programs that cover federal, state, and local governments, and extend to relations with the organized private sector are included. He also handles National Youth Service Corps matters.

    Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation

    Name: Prof Joseph Utsev

    Age: 43

    State of origin: Benue

    Geopolitical Region: North Central 

    His job is to oversee the development, management, and regulation of water resources, ensuring the provision of clean water supply and sanitation facilities. 

    Minister of State, Agriculture and Food Security

    Name: Aliyu Sabi Abdullahi

    Age: 57

    State of origin: Niger

    Geopolitical Region: North Central 

    This minister fills in to help the minister of agriculture improve food security and promote agricultural development. He contributes to their shared goal through local production, reducing import bills, and ensuring sustainable practices.

    Check out this exclusive list of female ministers and their portfolios.

  • The Nigerian National Awards are a series of ceremonial awards given to outstanding individuals for their exemplary service and contributions to the country. These honours are divided into different ranks and categories, showing their hierarchy and significance. 

    The National Awards were established by the National Honours Act No. 5 of 1964 and have been conferred yearly to deserving individuals since October 1963.

    The National Honours Awards Committee, the body in charge of nominations and award presentation, selects nominees according to different criteria, including efforts in nation-building, community development, service to humanity, professional excellence and the upholding of national integrity.

    Here is a list of the National Awards in descending order: 

    1. Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR)

    This is the highest award that can be conferred to civilians. The award is mostly held by presidents and past presidents, with the last individual to attain it being the current President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Notable non-presidential holders of the award are Queen Elizabeth II, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Moshood Kashimawo Abiola (MKO) for their contributions to nation-building.

    1. Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON)

    This is the second-highest award on this list. Its holders are usually vice presidents, chief justices, senate presidents, and monarchs in Nigeria. However, there have been exceptions to this rule, and they include Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, Godwin Emefiele, Chief Bisi Akande, and Amina Jane Muhammed who were awarded for their work internationally and as nation-builders.

    1. Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR)

    This award is given to present or past speakers in the House of Representatives or top cabinet Members in the Executive Council, police chiefs, significant traditional rulers, and distinguished military generals.  It is also esteemed to individuals esteemed to have contributed immensely to politics, philanthropy in the society and community development. Past awardees include Tony Elumelu, Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara, Rt. Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, and HRM Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi Ojaja II.

    1. Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON)

    This national honour is often presented to state governors, exceptional members of the legislature, cabinet members of the executive council and any other individuals who have contributed immensely to society as deemed fit by the President and award board.  Past awardees include Sen. Abubakar Kyari, Prof Ishaq Oloyede, Prof Ali Pate, and Dr Herbert Wigwe

    1. Office of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR)

    This is one of the highest civilian national award in the country. It is awarded to individuals who have shown great leadership and have recorded achievements in the country. This list of awardees ranges from individuals in the business, education and industry to legislature members. Past awardees include Tony Ezenna, Hon. Adebayo Adelabu and Sam Ohuabunwa.

    1. Office of The Order of The Niger (OON) 

    The Order of the Niger is the second-highest civilian honour in Nigeria, and it’s awarded to individuals who have made immense strides in sectors such as Agriculture, Business, Arts and Culture. Notable past recipients include David Adeleke aka Davido, Kunle Afolayan, and Tiwatope Savage.

    1. Member of the Order of the Federal Republic (MFR)

    The award is for individuals who have shown significant commitment and support to the country and its ideals. The award is presented to public servants, community leaders, and worthy individuals in the society.

    A notable recipient of this award is musician Damini Ogulu aka Burna Boy. Other recipients in the entertainment industry include Omotola Jalade-Ekeinde, Joke Silva, Kanayo. O. Kanayo, Osita Iheme, Genevieve Nnaji, Patience Ozokwor.

    1. Member of The Order of the Niger (MON) 

    This award is conferred on individuals who have made admirable contributions to the country in their respective fields. The MON has in the past been awarded to professionals in sports, entertainment, journalism, social or legal advocacy, etc. 

     The most recent recipients of this award are the officials and players in the National team after their impressive performance in the 2023 African Cup of Nations (AFCON), as well as musicians: Innocent Idibia, K1 De Ultimate, and Teniola Apata. 

    Another award in Nigeria that you should learn about is the Nigerian National Merit award.

  • Between 2020 to 2024, several bills and pleas have reached the Nigerian Senate regarding the use of firearms. The most recent bill came from Senator Ned Nwoko in January 2024.  His bill called for the introduction of a law allowing civilians in Nigeria to own and carry firearms for self-defence stating insecurity as a major reason. 

    The requirements necessary for owning these firearms as proposed by Senator Nwoko included references from medical doctors, endorsement from local government officials, certification from traditional leaders, and confirmation by the Divisional Police Officer to verify the absence of criminal involvement among others. While this bill has passed its first reading and garnered strong support from other prominent figures, recent events paint this bill as a bad idea. 

    On Saturday, March 30 2024, the bodies of three dead and four injured children were recovered after a gunpowder explosion in Taraba state. The  Commissioner of Police, Taraba State Command, CP David Iloyanomon confirmed the incident happened in Didango Geita, a community in Karim Lamido Local Government Area of Taraba State. 

    What’s the full story?

    The seven victims had reportedly gone to help on a rice farm belonging to the grandfather of one of the deceased. Things took a different turn when an explosion was heard at the site. The eyewitness who reported the event,  Mallam Audu Danjuma, said the villagers broke into a panic thinking it was an IED explosion and contacted the police.

     However, CP David Iloyonomon refuted this claim stating it was a gunpowder explosion from a Dane gun triggered by the children. According to him, the anti-bomb unit has carried out a thorough investigation and confirmed this. The Police commissioner further explained that a bombing or dynamite explosion would have blasted the children’s bodies beyond recognition, leaving no survivors. The positioning of the children’s bodies and pellets of gunpowder found at the scene also supports the police’s findings. This paints a clear picture of what happened and takes away the possibility of an IED explosion or an assailant.

    The deceased children, all below the age of 12, were identified as Miracle Danjuma, Liyacheyan Bitrus, and Kefas Bitrus. The injured children, Joseph Danjuma, Leah Aluda, Godbless Hassan, and Christian Hassan, are receiving treatment at the state’s specialist hospital in Jalingo, the state capital.

    This brings to question whether firearms are a solution to Nigeria’s insecurity problems or the beginning of many possible problems with accidents like this being one of them. Can the Senate trust Nigerians to only use guns for self-defence and to keep them far away from children or should we potentially expect more cases like this? 

  • President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is barely a year into his reign and is already arguably the most critiqued president of Nigeria. One of his lesser-known but still highly criticised actions is his response to the Republic of Niger’s current political instability.

    What happened between Nigeria and the Republic of Niger?

    On July 26, 2023, junta forces took over President Mohamed Bazoum’s government through a coup. In a bid to return things to order, the ECOWAS imposed sanctions spearheaded by President Tinubu. 

    However, these sanctions have affected both Niger and Nigeria, disrupting cross-border trade and causing economic hardship in both countries. They have also hindered regional stability and counter-terrorism initiatives in which both countries were involved. What started as an effort to control political turmoil has created multiple problems in that region of West Africa. 

    What were the sanctions placed on Niger?

    The sanctions included the closure of land and air borders, freezing of assets in the ECOWAS Central Bank, suspension of commercial and financial transactions between ECOWAS member states and Niger, freezing of state enterprises in commercial banks, freezing of service transactions, including utility services, and a no-fly zone for commercial flights to and from Niger. 

    What is Nigeria’s business there? 

    Our President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is the sitting chairman of the ECOWAS. And the sanctions with the most effect on Niger’s socio-economic decline are Nigeria’s decision to cut off electricity supply to Niger and close the borders between us. 

    As the chairman, President Tinubu was instrumental in the decision-making of the ECOWAS board. He received criticism for initially taking forceful measures that affected the trade and security of Nigerian states sharing borders with Niger. Once the border was reopened, he received praise from the Northern governors forum whose states had been most affected in Nigeria. 

    What’s the current situation?

    The ECOWAS sanctions against the Niger Republic were lifted on February 24, 2024, on humanitarian grounds, with the hope of fostering dialogue with the military junta in Niger, Mali and Guinea and improving the socio-economic conditions in the region. 

    The land and air borders between ECOWAS countries and Niger, the No Fly Zone for all commercial flights to and from the country and the suspension of all commercial and financial transactions between ECOWAS member states and Niger have all been lifted. 

    Public reaction

    While some political analysts, like Idayat Hassan, welcome the decision to lift the sanctions, others doubt its impact. Some others believe the ban should have never happened in the first place and that lifting it is a sign of weakness from the ECOWAS, which the junta will exploit.

    Do you think ECOWAS could’ve done better, or President Tinubu could’ve managed a better compromise? 

    To keep up to date with what’s happening in society, start with this: About Nigeria’s Plan to Increase the Minimum Wage

  • The National Minimum Wage Act of 2019 states that the minimum wage must be reviewed every five years. Vice President Kashim Shettima inaugurated a 37-member committee to do so in January 2024. However, the committee did not take action until after the Nigerian Labour Congress’ strike on February 27 and 28, 2024, holding its first meeting on March 7, 2024, to discuss the prospects of increment. 

    Here are the details of that conversation: 

    First off, how does a “minimum wage” conversation affect you?

    If you are a Nigerian working in either the public or private sector, the Minimum Wage Act is what ensures you get enough to meet up with the cost of living. The minimum wage is the lowest possible amount of money an employer can pay his employee as regulated by the government. 

    The industrial wage unions, trade unions and labour organisations ensure this rate is adhered to and reviewed when necessary. This is why the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) went on strike to protest the economic conditions that have rendered the current wage useless. 

    Rising from ₦18,000 in 2019, the minimum wage in Nigeria currently stands at ₦30,000 per month.  

    What’s the update on the minimum wage conversation?

    The 37-member committee held regional meetings on March 7, 2024, where stakeholders suggested new minimum wage figures to alleviate the high living costs. 

    In the South-West, the NLC leaders proposed ₦794,000, while the Trade Union Congress (TUC) proposed ₦447,000. In the South-East, the NLC said it preferred ₦540,000. South-South workers proposed ₦850,000, and their North-West counterparts angled for wages of ₦485,000, while the North-Central union suggested ₦709,000. 

    We’re pretty sure the current NYSC members are on their toes for this one as it directly affects their allawee. 

    The Nigerian government’s response

    In response to this, the Nigerian Governor’s Forum and the Nigerian Employers Association asked the committee and labour unions to consider the current economic realities and individual capabilities of the states and employers to meet the proposed amounts. 

    24 states, including Oyo, Kogi and Delta, among others, can’t keep up with the current wage payments and have incurred internal debts. On February 8, 2024, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) stopped giving the salary bailout funds (SBF) granted by former CBN Governor Emefiele to state governments struggling with wage payment and poor internal revenue generation. The debt and backlog will also affect the states’ capacity to pay an increased minimum wage.

    What’s likely to happen? 

    With each sector proposing wages in the hundreds of thousands, another strike may be unavoidable. The official announcement is expected to come on May 1, 2024. However, the wage implementation will be backdated to April 20, 2024, as all processes regarding the minimum wage are expected to have been completed by then. 

    Did you enjoy this read? Join our WhatsApp channel to stay informed. Click here

  • You may have encountered the cliche “Politics is a dirty game.” This expression often describes politics as a free-for-all fight where everything is considered fair game in the quest for power. Nigerian politics, for example, is notorious for various shady practices. During campaigning and election season, politicians and their aides take to the streets to canvass votes using different tactics. Based on this, it’s easy to conclude that politics is a dirty game.

    Let’s look at three tactics promoting the idea that Nigerian politics is a dirty game.

    Vote buying

    Vote buying is one prominent example. It often involves an exchange in which voters sell their votes to the highest bidder. In Nigeria, you may observe this practice in internal democracies, that is, within parties when delegates get to vote on who their party flag-bearer should be. It’s also a feature in general elections.

    In a paper by the Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC), it notes: “In accepting or rejecting offers, or in changing or not changing their electoral behaviour, recipients may be acting, among other things, out of fear, duty, indignity, gratitude, righteousness, or calculated self-interest.” 

    However, vote buying isn’t necessarily always economical. It could also be a combination of economic and social rituals. In places where the practice has become deep-rooted, politicians come to expect it as a “duty.” For some Nigerian voters, it is their way of laying claim to the “national cake.”

    Addressing vote buying means understanding the various institutional and socio-economic contexts that influence it, such as tradition and poverty. We should also account for the sentimental meanings people attach to these gestures before we can eradicate them.

    Dog-whistling

    The term is named after the dog whistle, which is audible to dogs but not humans. In politics, dog-whistling describes a communication strategy politicians use to send out a coded message. On the surface, it may appear harmless, but to the subgroup of people the message is targeted at, it carries a serious tone that may be harmful.

    In America, Donald Trump’s campaign mantra “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) has been described as dog-whistling that appeals to people of white background. In Nigeria, leading up to the election, the phrase “Yoruba Ronu” (Yorubas, Think!) was widely interpreted as dog-whistling. 

    The term was the title of a famous play by Hebert Ogunde, which attacked the then-premier of the Western Region, Ladoke Akintola. 

    [Hebert Ogunde / The Guardian]

    The phrase, however, took on a sinister meaning during the 2023 elections when APC Youth Leader, Dayo Israel, posted it after the 2023 presidential election. It would become a rallying cry in the subsequent gubernatorial election in Lagos that witnessed targeted harassment and violence against residents suspected to be Igbo. 

    Dog-whistling plays on fears, biases, or preconceptions of people without explicitly stating them. And as the Lagos election showed, it can lead to violence. As such, this tactic should be discouraged.

    Download the Citizen Election Report: Navigating Nigeria’s Political Journey

    Bigotry

    A bigot is one who is intolerant of beliefs, lifestyles or identities that differ from theirs. Anyone who engages in this is practising bigotry. Unfortunately, bigotry is a mainstay in Nigerian politics and takes different forms. The most prominent of which is tribalism.

    Ordinarily, the term tribalism has positive connotations. The Cambridge Dictionary defines it as “the state of existing as a tribe, or a very strong feeling of loyalty to your tribe.” However, the sense in which tribalism can be described as bigotry is best captured by Walter Schwarz in his 1966 article, “Tribalism and Politics in Nigeria.”

    Schwarz was a former Nigeria correspondent for The Observer and The Economist before the military regime expelled him. Below is how he describes tribalism in Nigeria:

    Tribal and ethnic bigotry is commonplace in Nigerian politics, particularly in the heat of elections. The idea that one ethnic group is superior to another, pushing stereotypes and placing ethnicity above merit, are problems that have persisted for decades.

    Bigotry manifests itself in hate speech, harassment, marginalisation and the violation of human rights. It breeds distrust and makes governance difficult. So when people say politics is a dirty game, they’re likely referencing the abovementioned tactics.

    Can Nigerian politics be clean?

    Absolutely yes. In an earlier piece, we explained that politics shouldn’t be a do-or-die thing. We also noted that politicians should prioritise the national interest over party and selfish interests. It is possible to win elections without using any of these tactics. Yes, a difference in opinion or ideology is unavoidable, but we can disagree to agree so long we stay on the right side of the law. We should promote tolerance over bigotry, unity over dog-whistling, and a good track record over vote buying.

    Ultimately, the journey to making Nigerian politics clean again can only happen with deep retrospection and a commitment by all political actors towards ensuring that dirty politics no longer has a foothold in Nigeria.

  • If you don’t count the many court cases and possibility of re-runs in some places, the 2023 election season is over. 
    What this means is many politicians have now lost their jobs — noticeably five governors (out of eleven) and a certain Senator Chimaroke who’s gone on a Twitter rant since he lost his Enugu East senatorial seat to a Labour Party candidate.

    It must suck to suddenly be unemployed, especially after putting so much effort into a campaign, and we get it. That’s why we thought to share all the other jobs these ex-incumbents can do now that they’re back in the job market.

    Activist

    All they have to do is put “Political Activist” in their bios and drop one tweet condemning injustice every three months. They can even throw in random hot takes once in a while for pizzazz. Will they earn? I don’t know, but at least, they won’t be idle.

    Social media influencer

    They already have the two major requirements: followers and small fame. Just get a ring light, start going live every two days, and brand endorsement deals will start rolling in.

    Hairdresser

    Why only get pictured making hair in salons during election season when you can make it a full-time job? Those who learnt how to fry akara and roast corn for campaign pictures can also sell their wares for real now.

    Motivational speaker

    No shade to motivational speakers, but it seems like an easy job. All they have to do is share how they got their first pair of shoes at the ripe old age of 25, and career don set.

    Travel vlogger

    Our politicians don’t like sitting their asses down in Nigeria before, so they might as well take up vlogging. I know I’d love to watch a “Travel to launder money in Turkey with me” video.

    Organise meet-and-greets

    Shocking as it may seem, many questionable politicians have die-hard fans. They should just ask those fans to pay to shake their hands, since they obviously don’t have sense. 

    Magician

    Remember how a snake swallowed ₦36 million in JAMB office? Nigerian politicians are already experts in doing the impossible. So what are a few more magic tricks to them?

    Bus conductor

    They obviously love promising us change and never delivering. Maybe if they become bus conductors, they’d remember to?


    NEXT READ: Can We Cancel Cover Letters and Apply for Jobs With These 8 Things Instead?