• It’s Children’s Day in Nigeria today, so you’ll likely hear performative speeches from public officials on the value and importance of children to the country. But they’ll not tell you that Nigeria is working overtime to snuff the life out of them.

    Not to be one of those guys, but there’s not much to celebrate. Nigeria has, by multiple standards, become one of the worst places to be a child. If you need proof of this statement, we’ll give you a few:

    The schools are emptied out

    The schools are emptying out, and we don’t mean a handful of schools. Across Nigeria, you can find more children at home and on the streets than in class. The most recent Situation Analysis of Children and Adolescents in Nigeria (SitAn), done by the federal government and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in November 2024, revealed that 10.2 million children of primary school age in  Nigeria are out of school. For context, this means many children aged six to 12 are deprived of basic education.

    It gets worse — many of those who manage to make it through primary school cannot continue. According to the 2024 SitAn, 8.1 million children of secondary school age are not in school. These two figures, put together, amount to 18.3 million, making Nigeria the country with the highest rate of out-of-school children globally.

    These numbers, as high as they are, are mostly concentrated in the Northern part of the country, where insecurity continues to destroy classrooms and the communities. Other factors causing the surge in out-of-school children include multidimensional poverty, worsened by economic reforms, which the government insists are effective, but for some reason, have refused to reflect in the lives of everyday Nigerians.

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    Children can’t get enough to eat

    Nigerian children didn’t ask for it, but they are certainly number one on the list of God’s strongest soldiers.

     In addition to being deprived of basic education, they are not guaranteed the most basic need of every child—food. The most recent data from UNICEF shows that about 11 million children under the age of five in Nigeria experience severe child food poverty. This means that one in every three children under the age of five in Nigeria doesn’t have enough to eat. 

    The situation is so bad that the country is among the top 20 worldwide that make up  65 per cent of 181 million children suffering severe child food poverty. The culprits of this tragedy are the same ones causing a surge in out-of-school rates: insecurity and poverty.

    It’s raining and it’s pouring for Nigerian children, but if the government is seeing it at all, it certainly acts like it doesn’t.

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    Child marriage is still a thing

    While countries like Sierra Leone have broken free from child marriage by enacting a strong law banning it,  Nigeria continues to put its female children at risk by allowing vague and porous laws that encourage the practice.

    In Nigeria, many girls are still victims of early forced marriage, especially in Northern Nigeria, where 48 per cent of girls are married off by their families as young as 15, while 78 per cent are married off at 18.

    While these figures might make it seem like there is no law against this practice, the Child Rights Act (2003) prohibits this. Still, like a lot of laws in the country, this one is merely treated as a suggestion because child marriage is still openly practised, even by government officials.

    Nigeria’s Child Rights Act seeks to protect children by outlawing the marriage of individuals under the age of 18, and this should ordinarily gain general support. However, only 24 out of the country’s 36 states have domesticated the law, and even then, they are not fully enforcing it. Much worse, some states (in Northern Nigeria) that have domesticated the law have watered it down so much that it has lost its power to protect children.

    There have been a ton of downs for Nigerian children than there have been ups, and we wish we could say it’ll get better, but it doesn’t look like it, at least, not at the rate at which the country is moving. Currently going through what has been described as its “worst economic crisis in a generation,” the setting where Nigerian children must grow up is anything but conducive. This is also worsened by insecurity which gulped ₦6.11 trillion, of the 2025 budget, leaving a miserly ₦5.7 trillion for education, a far cry from the 20% recommended by the United Nations International Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF). It’s good to wish, but we doubt the country’s leadership will change the story of Nigeria’s children unless it is held accountable. This duty is highly up to everyday Nigerians, especially considering that the opposition, which should naturally do that, is being absorbed into the ruling party.

  • If the last news you heard coming out of the United Kingdom (UK) was the not-so-great one about its new immigration rules, this latest update might excite you a little—the UK has revealed that Nigerians can now import a total of 3,000 different products into its territories without having to pay any tariffs.

    What’s going on?

    In a press conference in Abuja on May 14, the British High Commissioner to Nigeria, Richard Montgomery, said that his country is eager to see more Nigerians take advantage of a trade deal that has made 3,000 products duty-free. You might just be hearing about it now, but the trade deal is not so new. It is known as the Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP), and was signed in February 2025.

    What’s the ETIP about?

    The ETIP is a trade framework jointly designed by Nigeria and the UK to foster mutual growth between the two countries. Described by the UK as “the first of its kind with an African country, and only globally,” ETIP primarily covers eight different sectors: Clean Growth, Education, Health and Life Sciences, Creative Industries, Agriculture, Finance and Financial Services, Legal Services and Investment, and regulatory Cooperation (which takes care of technical trade barriers, intellectual property, customs, and trade facilitation).

    Things that exist under the ETIP include the Propcom+ programme, supporting “more than 4 million people in Nigeria (50% of whom are women) to adopt and scale sustainable agricultural practices to ensure food security,” the operation of Elephant healthcare in Kaduna State, to digitise its public primary healthcare system, and the 3,000 tariff free products under the Developing Countries Trading Scheme (DCTS) and Trade for Development programme.

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    What products can Nigerians export to the UK without tariffs?

    Gather all your japa friends together; you just might find something you want to export here. We can’t list the entire 3,000 tariff-free products here, but some of them include cocoa, cotton, flowers, fertilisers, frozen shrimps, plantain, sesame, fresh tomatoes, olive oil, yam, and cashew nuts.

    “Nigeria has significant potential to benefit from DCTS, and we encourage more Nigerian exporters to take advantage of the opportunity to continue to trade tariff-free with the UK,” the British High Commissioner to Nigeria, Richard Montgomery, said. “We have a Nigerian DCTS champion currently using the DCTS to scale her business. We want to see many more,” he continued.

    Montgomery also highlighted other ways the ETIP is benefiting Nigerians, such as the support provided to Nigerian startups to scale and internationalise through the UK’s Global Entrepreneurs Programme.

    How can I take advantage of these initiatives?

    Nigerians curious to see ways they can take advantage of DCTS and other things under Nigeria and the UK’s Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP) can check here for more information.

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  • The Japa class of 2023-2024 does not know what the Lord did for them because the 2025 aspirants are going through it. In what can only be described as village people machinations, the UK government has announced new immigration rules that will make relocating and staying in the European country harder than it already is.

    What’s going on?

    The real question is “what’s not going on?” On Monday, May 12, the UK government released an immigration white paper detailing its new laws and focus in that area. The 82-page document (yes, 82 whole pages) titled Restoring Control over the Immigration System contains anything but good news for hundreds of Nigerians looking to move to the European country anytime soon. We’ll break down some of the affected areas below:

    Graduate route visa

    From now on, postgraduate students in the UK will be required to leave the country 18 months after their studies, instead of two years, which had been the norm.

    If this first rule has you screaming “God abeg,” you’ll hate to know there’s more: The UK also wants to “explore introducing a levy on higher education provider income from international students,” and it doesn’t stop there. Universities that sponsor international students are also on the hot seat — they will now be expected to meet some compliance requirements, which include a 95% course enrolment and 90% course completion rate, a new rating system (Red-Amber-Green) for publicly accessible grading of universities on compliance level. Schools whose scores are below par will either have their sponsorship numbers reduced, be made to follow through with an intervention plan, or be stopped from sponsoring international students into the UK.

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    Permanent residency and citizenship

    The new immigration laws will make it much more difficult for foreigners to transition to permanent residency and gain citizenship. Instead of the usual five years, migrants will now be required to spend a minimum of ten years in the country to gain citizenship and permanent residency status.

    Social Care Visa

    If you or your relatives ever had plans to japa through the Social Care Visa, you might have to kiss that plan goodbye because the UK government will be shutting down that route. If you used this route and are currently inside the UK, you can enjoy a small win — the UK government will establish a transition period until 2028, which will “permit visa extensions and in-country switching for those already in the country with working rights.” It’s a small win, but don’t celebrate just yet because it will be kept under review.

    Skilled workers

    The reforms in this area are mostly tabled under the introduction of a Temporary Shortage List that will impose time-limited access to the Point-Based Immigration System. They will affect occupations with an RQF 3-5 (below degree level) and a couple of other things.

    Other areas which will undergo reforms include family migration, humanitarian response, and global talent.

    The UK government says it is putting all these reforms in place for the sole purpose of reducing Net Migration, which was at 906,000 and 728,000 in 2023 and 2024, respectively. The UK basically wants everybody to stay in their countries, and it couldn’t have made it any clearer than it did in the long document just issued. If you’ve ever mumbled “Nigeria must work” before, now is the time to scream it at the top of your voice because it really must.

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  • The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has arrested popular businessman, also known as E-Money, for alleged Naira abuse committed at a public event where he was allegedly seen spraying both the Naira and US dollars.

    Sources within the commission say he was arrested on Monday, April 28, at his home in Lagos State and will be flown to Abuja for questioning and further investigations.

    Though his arrest is termed Naira abuse (as contained in section 21 of the CBN Act),   E-Money’s arrest is also tied to the alleged spraying of  United States dollars at an event, which is a violation of the Foreign Exchange Act.

    “On Monday night, we arrested E-Money for Naira abuse and defacing foreign currencies. Specifically, he was alleged to have sprayed U.S. dollars, which is against the Foreign Exchange Act,” an EFCC source told Punch Newspapers on Tuesday, April 29. The spokesperson of the EFCC, Dele Oyewole, has additionally confirmed the arrest to BBC Pidgin.

    The CBN Act frowns against all forms of Naira Abuse—stapling, counterfeiting, tearing, spraying, selling, and mutilation.

    Though the Act was introduced as far back as 2007, authorities were not big on enforcing it until February 2023, when the CBN released a statement warning Nigerians against engaging in the sale of the Naira notes, which was a common practice during the cash scarcity that enveloped Nigeria at the time.

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    The 2023 statement also included a warning against spraying the Naira notes, and the CBN started showing it wasn’t messing around by making its first big arrest in the same month it released its statement. A Nigerian actress, Oluwadarasimi Omoseyin, was arrested and charged in court for spraying the new Naira note at a party in January 2023. On February 2, 2024, she was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment for the crime.

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    Months after the actress’s arrest, another popular figure, Idris Okuneye, widely known as Bobrisky was arrested on April 3 for mutilating (spraying) naira notes, and sentenced to a six-month jail term on April 12, 2024.

    More recently, the EFCC has arrested popular singer, Terry Apala and socialite, Aisha Achimugu, for abusing the naira.

    The EFCC is just one of the government agencies working with the CBN on its crackdown against naira abuse. Others include the Nigeria Police, Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU).

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  • Image showing an armed individual. Photo: BBC via Getty Images

    If you’re a Nigerian who has recently asked yourself if the situation in the country could get any worse, you might be disappointed by this latest update. On top of already existing terror groups in the country— Boko Haram, Ansaru (an offshoot of Boko Haram), the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), and Lakurawa— a new terrorist group named Mahmuda has just emerged in Nigeria.

    What’s going on?

    For some time now, rural communities in Niger and Kwara States have reportedly suffered  brutal attacks from the terror group, which have led to several deaths, kidnappings, and ransome demands. The latest incident which happened on Sunday, April 20, at Ilesha Baruba and Kemaanji, Baruten and Kaiama Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Kwara State, led to the deaths of about six people. They had also carried out a separate attack within the same week in Kemaanji on Wednesday, April 16, which led to the deaths of 15 vigilantes and villagers.

    Since these two incidents, residents of the attacked communities have spoken to different media outlets, sharing their ordeals and calling on the government to come to their rescue. The Emir of Yashikira, Alhaji Umaru Seriki, is among the local voices that have spoken up. On Tuesday, April 22, he told Daily Trust that his subjects are terrified by the activities of the Mahmuda terrorist group.

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    What is the Mahmuda group about?

    Although their motives are still not entirely clear, reports from  locals in the communities where they operate suggest that the Mahmuda terror group, or Mallam Group (named after their leader) are a faith-based terrorist group which broke away from Boko Haram, but with a more moderate ideology. They are also believed to be linked to some other groups in two other countries– Benin and Niger.

    Where exactly do they operate?

    The group operates around the Kainji Lake National Park (KLNP), which includes parts of Kwara and Niger States. Both states are located in the North Central region of Nigeria, also currently battling with banditry.

    When did they emerge?

    You may be hearing about them for the first time but the Mahmuda group is said to have occupied the KLNP axis for about five years now. 

    In 2022, the Senate acknowledged the insecurity in the area and asked the Nigerian Military to handle it. A motion titled “worsening insecurity in Kainji Lake National Park and existential threat to communities in Kaima, Baruten and Borgu Local Government in Kwara and Niger States” sponsored by the lawmaker representing Kwara North Senatorial District, Senator Sadiq Umar, and co-sponsored by the lawmaker representing Niger North,  Senator Aliyu Abdullahi led to the Senate’s action.

    The group, according to reports (and the Senators’ 2022 remarks) attacked the park, overpowered and drove away the Range Guards meant to protect the park.

    What are the authorities saying and doing?

    This situation is a bit tricky because even though the locals are complaining about their ordeals at the hand of this terrorist group, the authorities have not made a conclusive statement yet.

    Unlike the reassuring statement released by the Defence Headquarters about the emergence of the Lakurawa terrorists group in November 2024, there’s been no collective acknowledgement or statement made about the Mahmuda group– On one hand, the Police in  Niger State acknowledges the presence and activity of the group in the KLNP axis while the Kwara State Police continues to deny their presence, even in the face of picture and video evidence provided by communities that have been affected by them.

    Confirming the presence of the group to FIJ on Friday, April 18, the spokesperson of the Niger State Police Command, Wasiu Abiodun said “The Police Command is working in collaboration with the military to dislodge this group. A series of clearance operations have been carried out within the National Park; the operation is a continuous exercise and shall be sustained to ensure that the area is cleared of banditry.”

    Answering the same question, the Public Relations Officer of the Kwara State Police, Adetoun Ejire-Adeyemi, described the reports as false, saying  “no breach of internal security has been reported or observed in the aforementioned communities. Furthermore, our community engagement structures, including vigilante commanders and district heads, have not relayed any such incidents, which confirms this publication to be misleading and inciting.”

    We’re not sure why the Police in Kwara has been unable to confirm the activities of Mahmuda in the state, because the National Counter-Terrorism Centre (NTCC) in the Office of the National Security Adviser has confirmed this.

    Speaking to Punch Newspapers in an exclusive interview on Friday, April 18, Major General Adamu Laka, after saying “we are aware of that group,” also said that security forces have begun conducting operations against them and recently carried out an attack at their camps some weeks back.

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  • Photo image of a tricycle burnt during an attack on a Plateau community. Photo: Amnesty International

    If you said Nigeria is in hot soup now, you’d be absolutely correct. From Boko Haram’s not-so-subtle comeback in Borno, the disturbing attacks in Plateau State, and the recent attacks in Benue, it’s been a hell of a month for Nigerians. If you didn’t already know what was going on, this article is your opportunity to catch up.

    Unexplained bloodshed in Plateau

    If you were anywhere near X (formerly known as Twitter)  at the start of April, you’d agree that the month sort of started well for Plateau State— its capital city, Jos, was getting lots of love and organic PR on the TL and it had people bookmarking a shit ton of tweets and adding visits to Jos on their bucketlist.

    The renewed excitement for the city’s beauty didn’t last long, though, because almost immediately these posts made rounds on X, news of bloodshed trickled in and took over. The thing is, we started hearing about them a little longer after they happened.

    The attacks first resurfaced on March 28, as the month closed out. If we were counting for the current month, we’d begin with April 2, when armed men brutally attacked communities in the Bokkos Local Government Area (LGA) of Plateau State and reportedly killed about 52 people, injuring many others. On that same date, there was also an attack on the Dundu community in Bassa LGA, which left three farmers dead.

    Photo image of Plateau residents fleeing their community after an attack in 2023. Photo:AFP

    After that first attack of the month, it pretty much went downhill from there. On April 7, Hurra village in Kimapka District was thrown into mourning after an attack left three farmers dead.

    The attackers, whether they were the same group or not, were not taking any breaks because on April 8, they struck again, three separate times on communities in Kwall District and Miango District, both in Bassa LGA, leaving two farmers dead. 

    April 9 saw a herder killed, many cows poisoned, and others stolen in Keweke, Zoronvic,  and Ariri communities, both in Bassa LGA.

    April 12 came with the news of an attack on Zogu village (in Bassa LGA), which left two farmers, both father and son, dead.

    One of many damages caused by the April x attack on the Zike community. Photo: Premium Times

    At midnight, on April 14, gunmen unleashed violence on the  Zike community in the Kwall district of Bassa LGA, killing over 51 people, leaving many injured, and properties destroyed.

    “It’s ethnic cleansing”-Plateau Governor

    Plateau State Governor, Caleb Muftwang, speaks during an event. Photo: DailyPost Nigeria

    Since the attacks on Plateau State resurfaced, Nigerians have asked to know the attackers and their motive; the governor of the State, Caleb Muftwang, on the one hand, has told anyone who cares to listen that they’re not ordinary, but are measured and carried out by “known groups” to eliminate indegenous ethnic communities.

    “As I am talking to you, there are not less than 64 communities that have been taken over by bandits on the Plateau between Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, and Riyom local governments,” Muftwang said to Channels TV during a recent interview. “They have been taken over, renamed, and people are living there conveniently on lands they pushed people away to occupy.”

    The former governor of the state, Jonah Jang, made a not-so-different comment. In a statement released on Tuesday, April 15, he said that describing President Tinubu’s use of ‘communal conflict’ in describing the attacks as inaccurate.

    “The attacks in Plateau State are not merely communal disputes; they are perpetrated by a known group with a specific agenda,” he said.

    While Muftwang and Jang suggest the attacks are ethnically motivated and carried out by known groups, they have not mentioned the people responsible.

    President Tinubu, on his own end, has, as usual, promised an end to these killings, but Amnesty International has called BS.

    “Issuing bland statements condemning these horrific attacks is not enough,” Amnesty International said in a statement released on April 15.

    Boko Haram’s come back to the Northeast 

    While unknown armed men wreaked havoc in Plateau State, Boko Haram also staged a not-so-subtle comeback in Northeast Nigeria.

    For some time now, it seemed as though the region which was ravaged by terrorism was catching a bit of a break, but they might be coming back again. The alarm was first raised on April 8 by the governor of Borno State, Babagana Zulum.

    So far, the attacks recorded by the media this month include an April 12 landmine attack along the Damboa-Maiguguri highway, which left eight people dead and over 17 injured.

    Photo image of the destroyed Mandafuma bridge. Photo: Daily Post Nigeria

    On Tuesday, April 15, terrorists suspected to be members of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) destroyed the Mandafuma bridge in Maiduguri after they detonated an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) on it. 

    Barely two days later, on Thursday, April 17, the terrorists used an IED to destroy another bridge. This time around, it was a bridge in Yobe (another Northeastern state) linking Ngirbuwa and Gonori communities in Gujba LGA. These attacks, according to experts, are attempts to prevent military reinforcement and logistics supply to some areas.

    On April 18, suspected Boko Haram terrorists attacked Yamtakke, a resettled community in Gwoza LGA of the state. The attack led to the death of two soldiers and some civilians.

    The day after, they attacked a community in Hong LGA of Adamawa State (also in the Northeast), burning houses and properties, and then hoisting their flag to signify they’ve conquered the place. Meanwhile, three days earlier, terrorists destroyed a Police patrol van from Garaha with a bomb.

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    All of these attacks on Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe (also known as the BAY states) are resurrecting fears of a return to Boko Haram and ISWAP’s reign of violence in the Northeast region, especially because some of the recently attacked areas like Hong (in Adamawa) and Gwoza (in Borno) were areas which severally suffered lots of attacks in the thick of the insurgency.

    Benue under attack

    It’s not just raining violence in Northern Nigeria, it’s pouring. While Nigerians still tried to grapple with the attacks simultaneously going on in Plateau and parts of the Northeast, violence broke out in Benue too.

    On April 17, the Ugondo community (located in Logo LGA) and Tyuluv and Gbagir communities in Ukum LGA were attacked by suspected herders. The governor of the state, Hyacinth Alia, says he violence took over 56 lives, while the Police said the death toll was at 17.

    The cause of the brutality is not clear yet, but Alia suggests it was specifically carried out at the start of the planting season to prevent the communities from farming.

    Bandits attack in Kwara as Police deny

    The chaos in one part of Kwara State may have been drowned out by the violence in other parts of Nigeria but they too have been going through it.

    Locals in Baruten LGA told Channels TV they were attacked by bandits during Easter weekend. They said the bandits who attacked them came from Northwest and Northeast Nigeria, where they were chased away.

    The situation in Baruten is quite strange because even though residents of the LGA continue to complain and back up their claims with photos and video evidence, the  Police in the state have continued to deny that the attacks happened. In fact, a local told Channels TV that the Northern part of the LGA has been occupied by bandits after they chased residents away.

    It’s time to call out the government

    One thing the Tinubu administration has done pretty well is to claim it is on the path to solving Nigeria’s insecurity issues. The President said it during his Independent day speech in 2024, most recently in February, and a couple of other times.

    If these claims were believable before, the recent attacks, which have claimed over 100 lives in the 22 days of April, are saying otherwise in the loudest way possible.

    This is even more concerning because the government dedicated a whopping ₦6.11 trillion (88 per cent increase from the previous year) of the 2025 budget to tackling insecurity. How is the money being disbursed towards improving security? How long before the violent attacks which is brewing in Northern Nigeria spread to the rest of the country? Now is the best time to demand answers.

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  • Remember how we all woke up one morning and heard we had a new national anthem to learn? It looks like affliction might actually arise a second time because your faces are cooking up something sour.

    The National Assembly (yes, the same people that approved the State Of Emergency declaration in Rivers) is working towards passing a bill that will potentially restrict bloggers and `other social media users’ in extension.

    What’s going on?

    We’ve called the people at the National Assembly agbayas before and that’s because they were fan-boying President Tinubu, instead of keeping him in check. We don’t know the name to call them again because their latest move has left us confused. On March 18, the Nigerian Senate passed for a second reading a bill that will compel bloggers and social media platforms to have physical offices.

    This piece of legislature titled “A Bill for an Act to Amend the Nigeria Data Protection Act, 2023, to Mandate the Establishment of Physical Offices within the Territorial Boundaries of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by Social Media Platforms and for Related Matters,” was first read at the Senate on November 21, 2024 and was sponsored by Ned Nwoko, the senator representing Delta North Senatorial District.

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    What exactly is the bill about?

    The bill is looking to amend the already existing Data Protection Act of 2023 to include the following clauses:

    • All bloggers operating within Nigeria must have a verifiable physical office in any of the country’s capital cities before they can be allowed to operate.
    • All bloggers operating within Nigeria “must keep proper records of their employees and belong to a recognised national association of bloggers, which shall have its headquarters in Abuja.”
    • Social media companies (like Meta and xAI) whose social media platforms (Instagram, X, Facebook, TikTok, YouTube, etc) are used in Nigeria must establish identifiable physical offices within Nigeria.

    Why is this bill a bad idea?

    AI generated image depicting a sad Nigerian

    Not to play Captain Obvious here, but this bill is a recipe for disaster for many reasons. For starters, it will clamp down on Nigerians’ freedom of expression, which is already shaky.

    If allowed to pass, this bill will also be another way for the government to shut down opposition or regular Nigerian citizens saying things they do not like. They are already doing this with Section 24 of the Cybercrime Act. This Section of the Cybercrime Act was used to target journalists like Daniel Ojukwu, who was tracked down and illegally detained by the Nigerian Police for his investigative report exposing corrupt practices in the government. The same section has been used to detain people like Olamide Thomas and Olumide Ogunsanwo, also known as Sea King, who “insulted” government officials and agencies.

    Journalists and regular social media users are going to be in hot soup if this new bill is allowed to pass, and there is no dainty way to say it. The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) agrees, too, which is why they recently wrote to the National Assembly (NASS) on April 12, telling them to stop working on this bill.

    SERAP pointed out in their letter to NASS that in addition to infringing on Nigerians’ rights to access information and digital technology, the bill’s success could “severely hamper business operations in the country, as many are reliant on foreign tools, services and technologies for their operations, as well as other sectors that rely on online information.”

    Why we should call out the National Assembly

    Photo image of women protesting. Photo: African Feminism

    The Senate President and Senator Ned Nwoko (who sponsored the bill) swears that this bill is not targetted at the freedom of boggers and social media users but we should all take that with a shit ton of salt.

    As the bill passed its second reading, Senate President Godswill Akpabio said, “I don’t want the world to misunderstand us that the Senate wants to gag social media, it is about tax. For the purpose of tax.” The thing is, this logic makes no sense at all because as Punch Newspapers pointed out in an editorial, these social media companies already employ tons of Nigerians remotely and are “ already contributing robustly to Nigeria’s tax revenue.).

    So, even though the National Assembly might be packaging this bill as something that will be economically beneficial to Nigeria, we should all call it out because the maths is clearly not mathing. What this bill smells like is an opportunity for the ruling class to deprive Nigerians of their rights to freedom of speech and access to information.We should also act fast in calling out this suspicious bill because the current National Assembly has a reputation for supporting unnecessary things. They did it with the surprising change of the National Anthem in 2024, and more recently with the ratification of the State Of Emergency declaration in Rivers state.

    What can you do to stop this bill?

    You can do either or all of the following:

    • Talk about it on social media everyday until it is scrapped. You can do this by using hashtags and tagging international organisations like the UN and Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch.
    • Call out lawmakers in both chambers of the National Assembly and always tag them when you do
    • Call the lawmakers representing you at both the House of Representatives and the Senate to tell them you don’t want this bill to become law. You can find all of their contact information here.Create and share online petitions advocating for the bill to be scrapped. Petitions are easy to create, and you can make one on platforms like this.
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  • If you’ve enjoyed the previous editions of our Nigeria’s Current Affairs quiz (edition 1, 2 and 3), you’ll love this edition even more. From major political moments to key decisions shaping Nigeria today, this 15-question quiz will challenge how well you really know the country’s political landscape.

    Ready to flex your muscles again?

    Who is Nigeria’s current Inspector General of Police (IGP)?

    
    
    
  • Nigerians experience overwhelming floods every year. Photo credit:Sodiq Adelakun/AFP /Getty Images

    Put a finger down if last year’s floods had you screaming God Abeg. If you have a finger down, you’d hate to know that it is most likely to repeat itself this year, and it’ll all be because the appropriate authorities did not do enough to stop it.

    What’s going on?

    The  Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation, Joseph Utsev, speaks at an event. Photo credit: Punch Newspaper

    So, on Thursday, April 10, the  Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) released its Annual Flood Outlook (AFO) which revealed that 30 states, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), would likely experience heavy rains and flooding during the rainy season.

    NIHSA grouped 1,249 communities in 176 Local Government Areas (LGAs) across 30 states and the FCT into high-risk flood zones. 2,187 communities in 293 LGAs fall under moderate flood risk zones, and Abia, Benue, Lagos, Bayelsa, Rivers, Jigawa, and some others have been tagged as key risk areas.

    The  Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation, Joseph Utsev, who spoke during the AFO presentation, said the high-risk areas are Abia, Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Anambra, Bauchi, Bayelsa, Benue, Borno, Cross-River, Delta, Ebonyi, Edo, Gombe, Imo, Jigawa, Kebbi, Kogi, Kwara, Lagos, Nasarawa, Niger, Ogun, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Rivers, Sokoto, Taraba, Yobe, Zamfara and the Federal Capital Territory.

    Wondering what NIHSA is doing about this? Instead of general flood forecasts that it’d normally do, the agency says it’ll go deeper to identify specific communities where floods are likely to happen. This is cool and whatever, but we’re calling BS.

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    Why are we calling BS?

    Nigerians navigate a flooded area. Photo credit: Credit: Bart Fouche

    Sighing the heaving the heaviest negro sigh as I say this— flood predictions are not enough. The predictions should be the starting point of the government’s work— a map to direct them on specific areas to work on— but it has become clear after years of repeated flooding that the government expects people who live in flood-prone areas to vanish into thin air and wait for the floods to do their thing.

    If you think we’re referring only to the flood that swept through Maiduguri last year, you’re wrong; that wasn’t the first devastating flood Nigeria has witnessed.

    2012

    Portrait of a family affected by the 2012 flooding. Credit: BBC

    In 2012, between July and October, heavy flooding swept across 27 out of the country’s 36 states due to an overflow of the Niger and Benue Rivers. This flood, according to the authorities, took the lives of over 300 people, displaced over two million people, and cost the country a lot of money. Then Director General of the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) Muhammed Sidi said that the South South region alone lost an estimated ₦2.51 trillion.

    The following year, Clement Dosumu, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Aviation, said it took everyone, including the government by surprise. In his words: “It would appear that the 2012 floods took most people unawares despite the early warnings issued by NIMET pointing to the likelihood of flooding in different parts of the country.” Dosumu’s words would be understandable if this had only happened once, but the floods caught the authorities unaware again.

    2017

    2017. A vendor pushes through in a flooded area in Maiduguri. Credit: The weather channel

    Years later, in 2017, heavy floods submerged communities, destroyed about 4,000 homes and displaced 10,000 people in Benue State due to the overflow of the Benue River after days of heavy rains.

    2022

    2022. A flooded area in Rivers State. Credit: BBC Pidgin

    In 2022, the floods came with a vengeance and left with a notorious reputation as Nigeria’s worst flood in decades. It claimed over 600 lives and displaced 1.3 million in various states across the country.

    2024

    2024. Arial view of flooded areas in Maiduguri. Credit: Arise TV

    Just last year, several parts of the country witnessed insane flooding, but none was as bad as the Maiduguri floods which were caused by the collapse of the Alau Dam. The floods submerged the city, affected about 400 people and caused the death of about 30.

    What is the cause of these floods?

    2024. Maiduguri residents struggle to move through flood waters. Credit: Audu MARTE / AFP

    The government would always blame climate change, but that’s not the entire story. Experts and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) have listed climate change, poor drainage systems, buildings on waterways (due to poor city planning), inadequate number of dams and poor maintenance of existing ones. Let’s not forget good old corruption. The Alau Dam, for instance, was in nasty shape but was left unattended even though ₦762 million was budgeted for its maintenance over the course of 12 years. The Borno State government also received ₦816 million in ecological funds.

    What will happen this year?

    Nigeria still doesn’t have enough dams, the existing ones are still in need of serious maintenance, there are still buildings on waterways, and the drainage systems are still messed up. This means the country is likely to witness the same kinds of floods it has seen over the years.

    How can you change the story?

    Even though we can’t exactly control nature, citizens can hold each other and elected officials to account when it comes to handling other issues. This means you can help reduce the impact of the flood by asking government officials (at different levels) to start taking proactive measures now. Ideally, there should be talks of dam maintenance, new dam constructions, clearing of waterways, and dredging of rivers by now. If you’re not hearing them, it means they’re not being done and you can fix that by doing either or all of the following:

    • Talk about the flood forecast on social media, tagging government officials to ask what they’re doing to get ahead of it.
    • Call your officials at the federal, state, and local government levels. You can find their contact information here.

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  • One sweaty Friday afternoon in Lagos, 22-year-old Adunni punched in a number she had never dialled and stewed in rage, waiting for a voice to come alive on the other end. She had a lot to let off her chest, but her call went unanswered three times. The person at the other end of the phone finally picked up on her fourth try, but Adunni’s rage had grown so much that she had one question: “What are you doing?”

    The genesis

    The thing is, Adunni has never really cared about governance and its issues or lost sleep over the theatrics of Nigeria’s politicians and their audacious corruption. She hasn’t lived long enough to expend energy on this anyway—she just graduated from university and is starting out her life working as a virtual assistant and a social media manager.

    So, dialling the number registered to Ganiyu Ayuba (a lawmaker representing Alimosho constituency in the House of Representatives) was out of character for her, and so was the intentional process of finding it. Adunni’s question may have consisted only of four words, but it was packed full of rage and questions that led her to seek out Ayuba’s phone number in the first place.  About four days after she made the call, Adunni shared with me the events that led to her breaking point. 

    Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan and a podcast

    On  Friday, February 28, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, a Nigerian lawmaker representing Kogi Central at the Senate, alleged the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, had sexually harassed her. On March 5, she came forward to the Senate with a petition. What followed the Senator’s complaint was bullying and punishments, the kind that reminded Adunni of what she had gone through years ago in junior secondary school.

     A boy had sexually harassed Adunni, and as Akpoti-Uduaghan has recently done, she also reported the harassment to an authority (teacher), who, like the Senators, decided to punish her instead. 

    “The teacher literally punished me from 12 pm to 6 pm,” Adunni recalled. “ She only released me when it was time for her to go home. Do you understand?” she asked me.

    Like Adunni and Akpoti-Uduaghan, many women who experience sexual harassment and other forms of Gender-Based abuse rarely ever see their abusers brought to justice. As of 2023, the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs said it recorded 27,698 cases (1,145 of them were fatal) of Sexual and Gender-Based Violence between 2020 and 2023. Out of that number, only 393 perpetrators were convicted– a meagre 1.4 per cent.

    Because Nigeria is still deeply patriarchal, women are often blamed and shamed when they report sexual abuse. In fact, in many cases where teenagers get pregnant by abuse, they are made to marry their abuser to avert the shame. 

    Though it may have happened years ago, Adunni never forgot the teacher who punished her. But she somehow learnt to function through life without getting justice. Seeing Akpoti-Uduaghan go through a similar experience triggered whatever calm she had managed to achieve. Then she listened to an episode of the ‘I Said What I Said’ podcast and felt like bursting.

    That episode of the fan-favourite Podcast featured the hosts, Jola Ayeye and Feyikemi ‘FK’ Abudu, in addition to a guest, Adesuwa Giwa-Osagie, a vocal National Assembly correspondent who had extensively followed the drama unfolding at the parliament from the beginning.

    Adunni found it impossible to remain calm after she listened to the three women’s discussions on the podcast.

    “FK said we only think these people (politicians) are above us because we don’t challenge them when, in reality, they actually fear us because we voted them into their position,” Adunni recalled. She also remembered being teleported to a similar episode of the podcast during the #EndSars protests of 2020, encouraging listeners to demand accountability from their representatives.  “They spoke about the US and the UK, where you can call mayors and speak to them without fear,” she said, explaining that she didn’t think much of it at the time because she was hardly interested in politics and governance issues as she was now.

    And so Adunni made up her mind. She would call the lawmaker representing her constituency at the National Assembly to ask what he was doing to speak up against the injustice meted out to Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

    “How may I help you?”

    On Friday, March 13, Adunni searched the internet and found Ganiyu Ayuba’s number on the National Assembly’s official website. At first, she wanted to ask him about his stand on Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s situation, but this changed after her call went unanswered the first and second time. By the time it got to the fourth, Adunni was almost losing it. Then, the other end of the phone finally came alive, followed by the listless voice:  “Hello, and how may I help you?” 

    Adunni said her name and asked the voice, “What are you doing?” The voice wanted to know what she meant, so Adunni asked about the actions her representative was taking on the Akpoti-Uduaghan case.

    Although it wasn’t part of her initial questions, in the time that she stewed in anger, waiting for her call to be answered, Adunni remembered that parts of the Alimosho constituency had horrid smells — not pungent enough to turn your stomach but strong enough it sags your mouth full of saliva so thick, your throat sends it away when you attempt to swallow.

    So she also asked the lawmaker what they were doing about the smell, and to her questions, the voice, indifferent, said, “We are sorry about that. We will look into it,” addressing no question in particular. Adunni replied that she would call back again and expects to hear a more positive response to her enquiry.

    “This is a wrong number.”

    The next day, Adunni called the number, and, like the first time, it rang endlessly without an answer. This time, she was ignored until she gave up and moved on with her day.

    A while later, she saw she had missed a call from the number, so she called back. A male voice answered — the voice from the previous day belonged to a female (whom she assumes is her lawmaker’s assistant).

    She asked, “Am I on to the assistant of the lawmaker representing Alimosho in the House of Reps?”

    This was more of a conversation starter than a question, so she was taken aback by the response she got: “This is not the House of Reps; this is a wrong number.” 

    Adunni knew it couldn’t have been a wrong number. She had copied it from the National Assembly’s website, and she told the person this much, but he insisted so she let it go. 

    Adunni returned to the website to confirm, and yes, she wasn’t crazy; it was the exact number she had dialled the previous day. 

    When she called the number again, it rang without an answer.

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    “They don’t feel accountable to us.”

    The last exchange made Adunni angrier than she was the first time she called. More than anything, she was upset that there was no sense of accountability from her representative and his staff. “You must clearly think I’m a joke,” she remembered muttering to herself in anger.

    Unfortunately, this experience is not peculiar to Adunni. Many Nigerians have complained about their inability to reach public officials.

    In 2024, young Nigerians on X (formerly known as Twitter) complained they could not reach former Minister of Youth Development Jamila Bio Ibrahim because she locked her account on the platform and made herself inaccessible elsewhere.

    It’s the same story with emergency response numbers: Nigerians complain their calls are either ignored or cut off when they try to use them.

    “We give these people (government officials) too much leverage,” Adunni said,  explaining the lack of accountability across different levels of government.

    “We’ve seen them as gods, and that is probably why we are scared of them.,” she told me.

    Several Nigerians have also made this connection. Once, as he gave a speech at a public event, controversial politician and former governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, said Nigerian politicians get away with corruption because the citizenry allows it. 

    “Even if you come to a Nigerian’s house and kill his mother, his father will continue his life,” Amaechi said.

    How can Nigerians make politicians more accountable?

    Adunni thinks the solution to this problem is to communicate with elected government officials at all levels as often as possible.

    “One thing I wish more Nigerians would do is to call these people (politicians),” she said.

    “One of three things will happen: they will either take their number away from (official) websites, disable the numbers, or pick up,” she continued, emphasising it should be a coordinated effort.

    “They’ve called us fools for so long we’ve actually adapted to the name fools,” she said.

    Are there other ways to make elected officials more accountable?

    You can do either of the following:

    • Take Adunni’s advice and contact your representative at the local, state, or national level. You can find all of their contacts here.
    • Consistently demand answers to the worrisome decisions they take.
    • Highlight and talk about any questionable thing on social media using hashtags.
    • Diligently follow the news to find out what they’re up to.

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