• Nigerian women may have had a long history of suffering, but they’ve also had a longer history of resilience. There are many stories of the heroic struggles of women against colonialism. 

    Today’s story, however, takes us back to the late 1940s, when a women-led resistance movement fought against the British colonial system of multiple taxation on women and led to the dethronement of a king. 

    This is the story of the Egba Women’s Tax Revolt.

    Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance [UNESCO/The Republic]

    In Colonial Nigeria, government revenue (in the Southern Provinces) came from two sources—import duties (a tax collected on imports and some exports by a country’s customs authorities) and railway freights. 

    Under import duties, the real “moneymaker” for the British was trading German liquor and spirits, and Germany was the epicentre of World War I (1914-1918). Before 1901, liquor duties were three shillings, but by 1901, it increased to as much as six shillings! This resulted in liquor being a scarce commodity during the war.

    The high liquor import duties and shipping difficulties caused revenue from that sector to drop drastically. Which ultimately affected the government’s pockets.

    Undated photograph of German soldiers posing for a picture while drinking beer [Beer and World War 1]

    This is where the Abeokuta people come in. Before amalgamation in 1914, they were known as successful producers and traders of palm kernel, palm oil, and cocoa. The British tried to put export duties on cocoa and palm kernels, but they couldn’t generate as much as liquor import duties once did.

    At this point, Lord Lugard was extremely desperate to get the nation’s finances in order. He had to plead with the British colonial office formally to impose direct taxation on the Yorubas, but the British government took its time to give any kind of approval.

    Even though there was no word from the British, the native rulers felt pressure from the colonial government to generate revenue no matter what. This led to indirect taxation known as the ‘sanitation fines’ in April 1917.

    The “Sanitation Fines” and How This Affected Egba Women

    As the name implies, sanitation fines were monetary penalties one had to pay for not keeping their environment neat and tidy. To make up for the government’s lack of revenue, they needed to catch offenders, summon them to court, and make them pay fines—and market women or rural women were always the easy targets.

    These women had to pay fines of up to five shillings, with an additional eight shillings for court summons, making it thirteen shillings. Sometimes the courts could even decide to inflate prices by close to thirty shillings. 

    The “offences committed” were usually very mundane, like not sweeping the front of their compounds or setting up water pots outside the house with no covers (which could cause mosquito breeding). 

    The sanitation fines turned out to be a successful revenue scheme for the British.  In the Native Courts alone, they made up to £1.6 million from 1.9 million sanitary case offences. It encouraged British colonial officials to further impose stricter taxes on women.

    The “Independent Woman” Mode of Taxation

    After much deliberation, the British Colonial Office introduced the official method of taxation for Abeokuta on January 1, 1918. This was with the approval of the Secretary of the Native Authority, Adegboyega Edun. But right from the start, there was something not quite right with this new tax.

    Adegboyega Edun [Nairaland]

    The model was for every adult to pay an average of 5 shillings per head. Based on the number of adults in a household, the head of the compound was given an amount that the family must pay. This happened to exclude women, as they had to pay a totally different amount of tax altogether.

    This was entirely different from the model of taxation in other parts of the country, which didn’t recognise women as different from men. In that model, “tax for every household will be £1, including the wife, and £10 per annum for additional wives.”

    Despite several complaints, the British Resident bluntly refused to change the system. Women were more prevalent than men in the population, which made the taxation spread wider, and he knew that if he increased the men’s taxes, they may cause ‘wahala’ and riots.

    Ironically, despite his efforts to reduce mayhem, the people were not at all pleased with the taxation system. The income of the people was not considered. They still had to pay customs dues and shop licences, and forced labour was still in practice. This led to the Adubi War of 1918.

    How the Adubi War Solved Tax Problems for Men But Not Women

    On June 13, 1918, 30,000 Abeokuta residents protested their displeasure by destroying railway and telegraph lines south of Abeokuta. Neighbouring Yorubas from the French colony of Dahomey also joined the fight, as they also protested against forced army recruitment for World War I.

    Three thousand British soldiers were used to suppress the revolt, after which 1,000 Egba civilians and 100 soldiers were killed.  

    Despite the bloodshed, the tax scheme was modified. Men who earned less than £40 per year were now required to pay five shillings a year, with women paying two shillings and six pence. Those above £40 paid 1% of their income in taxes, while landlords were taxed 5% of their rental income.

    However, this modification did not favour women. Women expected the government to make the market favourable for them as traders so that they could also profit, but there were no gains whatsoever. 

    Market women were charged as much as £3 for sheds. Those who couldn’t afford it and made use of ‘illegal’ spaces had to pay fines. The industries they could profit from were also limited, as they included only trading foodstuffs, imported goods, and local textiles. And these problems continued until World War II (1939–1945).

     Egba women are unhappy over the multiple taxes [Getty Images]

    In the words of the women’s representative to the Oba, Madam Jojolola, “The women all complained that they derive no benefit from the government. We make no profit on the goods we sell, and yet we have been called upon to pay taxes…”

    The Rise of Women Through the Abeokuta Women’s Union (AWU) 

    The AWU – a combination of market women and the Christian Abeokuta Ladies Club (ALC) – emerged in 1945. Although initially a social club for middle-class women, it morphed to respond to the unending taxes on women and ultimately the brutality of colonial rule. They felt they could do this by uniting both working class market women and middle class women as one.

    Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti was its first president, and the Alake (King) of Egba land in Abeokuta, Ademola, was its first patron. Grace Eniola Soyinka also joined Funmilayo’s leadership. 

    Portrait of 70 year-old Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti[Obioma Ofoego/UNESCO]

    The Soyinka Family in 1938. Wole Soyinka’s mother and father, Grace Eniola Soyinka and Samuel Ayodele Soyinka, with Wole, Tinu, and Femi. [Wole Soyinka]

    To end the taxation regime, they wrote proposals to the Alake of Egba for the following:

    • Replacement of the flat rate tax on women with taxation on foreign companies;
    • Investment in local initiatives and infrastructure, including transportation, sanitation and education;
    • The abolition of the Sole Native Authority and its replacement with a representative form of government that would include women.

    Alongside these proposals, they heavily fought the colonial government with different kinds of resistance tactics. Many women stopped paying their taxes altogether, and they either got fined or jailed. The AWU also wrote several petitions to the Alake between August 1946 and May 1947, but to no avail.

    This eventually provoked the Egba Women’s Protests or Revolt.

    The Egba Women’s Revolt 

    Egba women were indelible forces of anti-colonial resistance [UNESCO/The Republic]

    From Mid-October 1946, Ransome-Kuti and women from the AWU started to hold mass protests outside the king’s palace to demand the removal of direct taxation. The response was brutal, with police deploying tear gas and beating up the women.

    But despite the obstacles, these women didn’t relent. They released a document in 1947 called “AWU’s Grievances”, which contained all their accusations against Alake and the Secretary of Native Authority. Ten thousand women then held another demonstration outside Alake’s palace, which lasted two days, while insulting Alake with different songs.

    Alake’s response was an empty promise on tax suspension. More women got arrested and assaulted, including Funmilayo. 

    On December 8, 1947, over ten thousand women camped outside Alake’s palace and refused to leave until every woman arrested was released. They stood resiliently and remained until December 10, when they released the women.

    Thousands of women come to show support for Funmilayo Ransome Kuti and the detained women. [Ransome-Kuti Family Archives]

    However, the women didn’t get their demands met until three years later, in January 1949. 

    The British removed the Alake from the throne, the tax was removed, and four women were established in seats of power. 

    It is worthy to note that both the tax and the Alake later returned, but for a while, the women won.

    The Impact

    It is sad to see that market women are still being taxed without inclusive consideration in 2023. 

    A Nigerian marketplace. [Google]

    In an article by TechCabal, market women are revealed to make little profit on their income as a result of various taxes for the local government, Lagos State agency officials, Kick Against Indiscipline officers (KAI), etc.

    In July, the Nigerian Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) announced the Value Added Tax (VAT) Direct Initiative, a way for the federal government to collect Value Added Taxes (VAT) from market women and reduce multiple taxation. 

    Will the VAT be effective? Will it lead to another women’s revolt? We’ll see what becomes of this.

  • On July 15, 2023, a Twitter user (@daveshewrote) publicly called out Caleb University, a private tertiary institution situated in Ikorodu, Lagos, for attempting to suppress students from discussing an incident involving robbery, saying the school is “wanting to die it”. 

    What do we know about the robbery so far?

    A Caleb University student, who wishes to remain anonymous, informed Citizen that a robbery took place in one of the wings of Susannah Hall Girls’ Hostel in the early morning hours of Saturday, July 15, 2023.

    The source who shared his account based on anonymity for fear of backlash by the university’s management, says the event unfolded as a girl sighted one of the robbers when she went to the bathroom at midnight. “She panicked and tried to run back to her room, but her roommates locked her outside, probably to protect themselves from the robbers. Because of the girl, people were alerted to the robbery situation,” the source shared. 

    The incident didn’t end there. The girl was reportedly attacked and quickly taken to the clinic, while some security personnel were allegedly assaulted.

    Caleb University’s Media and Publication Specialist, Olawale Adekoya, also revealed to the media that three phones and one laptop were stolen (with the laptop retrieved) at the Hall. “The statement was circulated through a WhatsApp broadcast message,” our anonymous source corroborated.

    Was there a second robbery?

    From the anonymous source and social media user, we learnt that the robbers allegedly returned a second time on the same night to Elisha Hall, another female hostel in the school. The source also claimed that a riot started in the boys’ hostel because they wanted to “chase the robbers away and help the girls out.”

    However, based on what we’ve observed, students have since debunked the story that the second robbery occurred.

    A Caleb history of robberies and culture of silence 

    July 15 is not the first and only day of robberies and student suppression at Caleb University.

    A 300-level student shared with @Daveshewrote that there had been fires and riots in the school in the last two semesters due to multiple phone and laptop thefts that had been “successfully died down” or covered up by the school.

    Even while Citizen tried to investigate deeper into the issue, we experienced a lot of roadblocks from students (and their siblings) who refused to talk for fear of backlash from school authorities.

    But why all the need for secrecy? Students aren’t allowed to speak on certain issues about the school. This creates a culture of fear, with students fearing suspension or expulsion.

    Our anonymous source states, “People caught not obeying the ‘school’s code of confidentiality’ are usually suspended or expelled.” He goes further to share with us that talking to us is to his detriment. “I just want to finish my degree and get out of here,” the source added. 

    Any word from school authorities?

    Through the school’s security statement, students are informed that security personnel are working closely with police authorities to investigate the incident and apprehend the culprits.

    He also circulated on WhatsApp a series of “truths” about what “really went on” in Sussanah Hall, most of which our source has claimed to be “lies.”

    Citizen also contacted the university’s spokesperson for comments and to answer some of our specific questions. We, however, haven’t gotten any response at this time.  

  • The Nigerian experience is physical, emotional, and sometimes international. No one knows it better than our features on #TheAbroadLife, a series where we detail and explore Nigerian experiences while living abroad.

    Today, we are doing things a little bit differently. Instead of discussing the Japa experience for Nigerians in other countries, we will touch more deeply on why some Nigerians moved back home from abroad and why anyone in the diaspora might consider returning to Nigeria. 

    Just think of it like the usual “Japa” move,

    The inspiration for this article came from a viral tweet that one of my editors spotted and tagged me on. 

    A marriage therapist, Shamseddin Giwa, shared the story of his previous life abroad and how he and his wife could barely make a sustainable income. This forced the couple to return to Nigeria.

    Many Nigerians received the story with lots of scepticism and speculation that they left due to “illegal migration.” It was unbelievable for many people. How could anyone make such a decision with Nigeria’s economy crumbling day and night?

    On this table, amidst the ongoing debates on social media, illegal migration isn’t always the sole reason for anyone to return to their homeland, Nigeria. There are myriad reasons behind such decisions. To gain a better sense of this decision, six Nigerians who previously lived abroad but have now chosen to reside in Nigeria share their motivations for relocating.

    “I had issues with European culture and racism”

    Bayo*, an entrepreneur, didn’t experience the stress of European culture and racism while seeking a Master’s degree as a student in Italy. His once cordial relationship with white people changed after graduation due to his lifestyle upgrade through internships. 

    “After I started to make money from my internships and look nice, I started experiencing racism. My neighbours harassed me and, at one point, even involved the police in minor incidents. For the average Nigerian, every day as an immigrant is stressful,” he shares.

    Bayo moved back to Nigeria in 2020, and he has never regretted his choice. He has made “five times the income” he made in Italy, has gained more job opportunities, and describes his lifestyle as “feeling like a king in my own country.”

    “My mother’s ill health drove me back to Nigeria”

    Even though Dele and Dante relocated to Nigeria from the UK in 2011 and 2018, respectively, they have one thing in common about their relocation stories—their mothers. Dante’s mom fell ill, and Dele’s mom passed on.

    But the one difference they have, however, is their feelings about relocation. Dante, a software engineer, hates that he moved, while Dele, a business development expert, has never regretted it because he is doing “way better financially” than the friends he left behind.

    “I would still have been in the UK if not for my mother’s health. Life there was cool, and there were no worries. I miss the job opportunities and friends I’ve left behind,” Dante shares. 

    Dele is also of the opinion that Japa is only for “economic survival” and that most Nigerians only travel to “gain exposure and enhance their skillset”, not to reside there permanently.

    “I came back to Nigeria because of the conflict in Sudan”

    In April 2023, John* was among the many Nigerian students in Sudan who had to be immediately evacuated due to the conflict in the nation’s capital, Khartoum, and the Darfur region. 

    But even though he is grateful for life, John hates that his education has come to an unprecedented halt since he arrived. “I’m doing nothing at home and haven’t finished my studies yet. And I’m currently finding it difficult to get admission as a transfer student,” he complains.

    “My dreams of becoming a diplomat can be fulfilled here in Nigeria”

    For many Nigerians, they see the Abroad Life as a means of fulfilling their dreams. But not for a recent graduate, Osione. Moving to Nigeria after living in the UK, Switzerland, and Australia is one step towards her long-term goal of becoming a UN Ambassador or diplomat.

    She sees this move as important because of “the connection one needs to have with his or her home country” before becoming a diplomat.

    Does she regret relocating? Not in any way. She is determined to stay.

    According to Osione, “Nigeria can be a hard country to live in and find job opportunities in, but nothing will deter me from my long-term goal of an international diplomacy career. If I want to achieve this, I have to stay.”

    “I left Ireland because of COVID”

    Peter* was halfway through the final year of his undergraduate degree in Ireland when the pandemic struck. As a result, he had to leave Ireland in March 2020 and only go back to school a few months later to finish his degree.

    After graduating in 2021, he never returned to Ireland, and he doesn’t see the need to.

    “I didn’t plan to work or live there,” Peter shares. “I have more family in Nigeria, and I am more comfortable here with my enterprises and accounting career. In Nigeria, if you find the opportunity to be who you want, it’s not as difficult to live here, unlike living an immigrant life abroad.”

  • You say you’re ready to japa, but do you even know the type of immigration plan suited for you? Well, Citizen is here to give you the answer.

    P.S: You can gain more insight by reading this article on UK student visas.


  • Have you ever received a bad product or service that was NOT what you ordered? Or sustained a physical injury/illness due to company negligence? Or worse, you signed a contract deal with a company as a freelancer or entrepreneur, and they didn’t keep their end of the bargain?

    If you have, I’m pleased to announce that there is GOOD NEWS! You have the option to pursue legal action against the company by filing a lawsuit and seeking justice! 

    Now, how can we sue the company?

    Before you get started on this path of justice, it’s important to note that an enterprise that has been fully incorporated under the law has the capacity to sue and be sued. If the company isn’t registered, you can still sue the owner, but just as a person, not a company.

    This means the company can also enforce a lawsuit against someone and defend their rights when it receives a lawsuit.

    With that being said, let’s get into the steps you need to take in executing a lawsuit:

    Have a valid legal complaint or cause of action

    Whatever complaint you bring to court can’t be based on your emotions. It has to fall within the range of company negligence, breach of contract, employee discrimination, etc. A good lawyer should be able to determine or evaluate the weight of the complaint before filing a lawsuit in court.

    Also Read: How to Sue Nigerian Companies for Negligence

    Send a written demand notice to the company

    Before a lawsuit goes to court, you need to get a lawyer skilled in civil litigation who will send a written demand notice to the company. This notice explains the nature of the complaint and the type or amount of compensation the plaintiff (i.e., you) is willing to collect as a settlement. 

    The notice is also used as a warning or a threat to the company that the plaintiff will take the matter to court if his/her demands are not met.

    Basically, the plaintiff is saying to the company:

    If a demand notice doesn’t work, start filing processes

    These processes include a statement of claim (a plea document containing the allegations made against the company and the type of relief or settlement needed), a list of witnesses, witness statements on oath, and necessary documents. 

    When these processes are completed, you can serve them to the company. One can do this by delivering them to their office address or serving the directors or key executives in the company.

    After an action is filed in court, a suit number and court will be assigned to the matter. It will then be listed on the court’s cause list.

    When can I NOT sue a company?

    As much as you can sue a company, you may also be ineligible to sue them. This is when the limitation period or maximum time period for initiating a lawsuit has elapsed, according to the statute of limitations. Limitation periods differ depending on the nature of the complaint and the time the lawsuit was filed.

    For instance, actions for damages resulting from negligence must commence within three years of their occurrence; actions for breach of contract must commence within six years of their occurrence. Learn more about the respective limitation periods here.

    What if the company agrees to avoid being sued?

    As much as the plaintiff wants justice, the reality is that the matter can be resolved outside of court. Most companies would rather avoid the spotlight and use the alternative dispute resolution process (ADR). 

    ADR is simply the different ways people can resolve disputes without a trial. 

    These can include negotiation, mediation, reconciliation, and arbitration—using a third party that both parties agree upon to resolve the conflict.

  • The news is out. Industrial product designer and ambassador of the Global Talent Visa platform (TechNation), Funfere Koroye, has a history of violence and abuse against women. This raises an important question: “How can victims of abuse and sexual violence obtain justice?”

    When Ozzy Etomi, a gender and culture writer, asked her Twitter followers on July 1, 2023, about organisations that could help victims of stalking, harassment, and battering, not many people had an idea of what was going on. And the responses she got were filled with curiosity about who the stalker was, without many positive responses about which organisations the victim could go to.

    A week later, Etomi revealed the alleged actions of stalking, sexual harassment, and violence by Koroye against his Ex.

    https://twitter.com/account20235767/status/1677697711338840066?s=20

    The news so far has sparked public outrage. It has also gotten the attention of the Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (Lagos DSVA), which has promised to work with the Ex to receive support, protection, and justice. 

    Also read: Everything We Know About Funfere’s History of Violence and Abuse

    Sexual harassment, stalking, and physical assault by men are problems that women face. But to understand what to do in these contexts, let’s explain what the Law says.

    Is this a crime, and is it punishable by law?

    Yes, sexual harassment, stalking, and physical assault are crimes. It is punishable under the Violence Against Persons Act of 2015 and the Criminal Code Act of Nigeria 

    For Stalking and Sexual Harassment 

    Under Section 46 of the Violence Against Persons Act, stalking is listed as a type of ‘harrassment.’ 

    Under Section 17 of the same act, a person who stalks another commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a term of imprisonment not exceeding 2 years, a fine not exceeding N500,000, or both.

    Sexual harassment is listed as a form of sexual violence under Section 264 of the 2004 Criminal Code Act. It says that “anyone who sexually harasses another commits a felony that is liable on conviction to imprisonment for three years.”

    For Rape 

    According to Section 359 of the Criminal Code Act of Nigeria, any attempt to commit rape is liable to 14 years imprisonment. 

    Under Section 1 (2) of the 2015 Violence Against Persons Act, the offender will get a life imprisonment sentence if convicted and 14 years imprisonment if the offender is under 14.

    It is worth noting that the 2015 Violence Against Persons Act is yet to be signed into law in Lagos, Ekiti, Kano, Katsina, Taraba, and Zamfara. However, Lagos State has The 2007 Protection Against Domestic Violence Law. Ekiti also has the 2019 Gender Based Violence (Prohibition) Amendment Law in place of the Act.

    You are a victim or know someone who needs help; what can you do? 

    The Executive Secretary of the Lagos DSVA, Tiwalola Rhodes-Adeniyi, told Citizen that victims of these crimes should first be able to “build their case by having evidence.” 

    If you wonder what building your case with evidence looks like, it involves getting hold of and presenting text messages, voice recordings, pictures, or videos. It can also include physical evidence like bruises, wounds, or damaged clothing. 

    This all helps your case and helps you achieve justice. According to Rhodes-Adeniyi, “If a victim has these, one can successfully get an emergency restraining order.”

    Usually, police officers give an emergency restraining order in domestic and sexual violence cases where there is immediate danger or an inability to go to court immediately. These usually last for 5-7 days.

    In cases where the issue of violence wasn’t recent, one can get a temporary restraining order of 7-14 days. You can also get a domestic violence or no-contact restraining order, which is usually issued after court hearings and lasts for a longer period of time depending on the case.

    What if you can’t reach the police? 

    Olivia Ovuodo-Peters, a sexual and gender-based violence expert, shares that one can always follow up with police personnel if they don’t respond quickly.

    According to Ovuodo-Peters, “If you report to the police on duty at the Sexual Base Desk and don’t hear from them, you can write a letter explaining your case to the Divisional Police Officer (DPO),” and if that doesn’t work, you can write to the State’s Commissioner of Police and copy the appropriate DPO. 

    However, not everyone sees going to the police as their first line of action. The Communications Officer at Stand to End Rape (STER), Elfrida Adeleye, recommends that victims should always contact a non-governmental organisation (NGO) when filing these cases. 

    According to Ayodele, these NGOs already have contacts in important governmental ministries such as the Ministry of Justice, and Ministry of Women Affairs. Thus, they can help “push the right buttons to get these cases heard faster. You don’t need to go in alone.” 

    How can social media best help you?

    Rhodes-Adeniyi passionately advocates for the use of social media as a platform to shed light on sexual assault, harassment, and abuse. In her view, it is a powerful tool to “raise public awareness on cases” and support victims who have experienced such atrocities. She firmly believes that victims should have the freedom to speak the truth to power in their own way without being dictated how to do so.

    With genuine concern, Rhodes-Adeniyi asserts, “We shouldn’t tell a victim how to speak truth to power.” She recognises that social media can be instrumental in calling for justice and creating a collective voice against these injustices. However, she cautions that social media alone is “not to make a formal report.”

    Rhodes-Adeniyi insightfully reveals the potential risks faced by victims who do not formally report their cases. She highlights the possibility of the offender filing a lawsuit, accusing the victim of defamation through libel or slander. 

    To reduce this risk, she strongly recommends victims “formally file their case with evidence with the police, an NGO, or a court of law” before resorting to social media. Rhodes-Adeniyi suggests additional steps, such as visiting a hospital to obtain medical documentation if there are visible injuries. She also emphasised that having an “official statement of the case somewhere” is crucial.

    Rhodes-Adeniyi advises victims to safeguard themselves legally by formally reporting these cases. This will ensure their claims are supported by substantial evidence and provide a solid foundation in the event of a legal backlash. 

    By taking these steps, victims can effectively navigate Nigeria’s complex justice system while leveraging social media to shed light on their experiences and rally support for their cause.

    Which organisations can you reach out to for help?

    STER (Stand to End Rape Initiative)

    The Stand to End Rape (STER) initiative is an enterprise advocating against sexual violence, and supporting survivors with psychosocial services. They handle all forms of sexual violence.

    You can reach out to them by filling out this form or sending an email to the team here.

    The Mirabel Centre 

    The Mirabel Centre is Nigeria’s first sexual assault referral centre where survivors can get medical and psychological aid.

    You can call them at 08187243468, 08155770000, or 0701 349 1769. You can also visit them at the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, Ikeja General Hospital Road, Ikeja, Lagos.

    Alternatively, you can send an email to sarc@pjnigeria.org

    The Women at Risk International Foundation (WARIF)

    WARIF is a non-profit organisation. WARIF helps to address high incidence of sexual violence, and rape amongst young women across Nigeria.

    You can contact them at 0809 210 0008 or you can send an email to info@warifng.org

    The Lagos Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency (DSVA)



    DSVA
    is an organisation under the Lagos State government. They help eradicate domestic and sexual violence in the state.

    You can contact them at 08000333333 or email them at info@lagosdsva.org

    The International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA)

    The International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Nigeria is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation comprised of women lawyers, formed in 1964. They take pro-bono cases across Nigeria, usually on domestic, sexual, and other related violence against women.

    You can visit their website to find the branch closest to you or call +234 708 849 6115

  • The ‘Japa’ season is upon us. Nigerians who intend to study abroad, especially in the UK, are getting their bags ready with lots of delight to relocate. In recent years, the UK has become popular as the preferred destination for higher education for many Nigerians and Africans. 

    If you’re getting ready to travel, then you definitely need to know what it takes to acquire a key document, the UK student visa. As you continue to read this article, you will learn about the following

    • Who can apply?
    • When can one apply?
    • What are the fees?
    • When can you arrive?
    • How long can you stay?

    Who can apply? 

    Being an accepted student isn’t the only thing that matters. You must also:

    1. Have a course sponsored by a licenced student sponsor, which is your university or scholarship institution
    1. Have enough money to support yourself and pay for your course – the amount will vary depending on your circumstances. You must have enough money to pay for your course for one academic year (up to nine months).
      You’ll also need to show you have enough money to support yourself—unless you’ve been in the UK with a valid visa for at least 12 months on the date of your application.

    How much money you need depends on where you will be studying. You’ll need either:

    • £1,334 per month (for up to 9 months) for courses in London.
    • For courses outside London, £1,023 per month (for up to 9 months).
    1. Master English. Basically, you must be able to speak, read, write, and understand the English language
    1. Have consent from your parents if you’re 16 or 17—you’ll need evidence of this when you apply

    When can you apply?

    This depends on whether you are living in or outside the UK. For Nigerians in the UK, the earliest application is 3 months before your course starts. It must also be applied for 28 days before your current visa expires. You’ll usually get a decision within 8 weeks.

    For Nigerians outside the UK, you need to start your application process earlier, as you’d need 6 months. You’d also get a decision on your visa within 3 weeks.

    What are the fees? 

    UK student visas cost £363 (N356,000) for students outside the UK and £490 (N480,000) for students who wish to extend their studies or switch to a student visa inside the UK.

    There is also a healthcare surcharge, which you can find out more about here.

    When can you arrive?

    You can arrive a month before your course starts (if your course is longer than 6 months) or a week before (if your course is shorter than 6 months).

    But no matter when your course starts, you MUST NOT travel to the UK before the start date given on the visa. To be forewarned is to be forearmed.

    How long can you stay?

    A pertinent question for students who just finished their studies is, “How long can we stay here?”

    Do not worry; you won’t be kicked out (or at least not right away). Everything depends on the length of your course and what studies you’ve already completed in the UK.

    If you’re 18 or over and your course is at degree level, you can usually stay in the UK for up to 5 years. If it’s below degree level, you can usually stay in the UK for up to 2 years.If you want to stay longer than five years, read more about the requirements here.

  • If you can’t make at least 7/9 on this simple quiz on Nigeria’s pre-colonial wars, then we definitely need to return your green passport.

    P.S: You can only get the answers if you have read the episodes of Citizen History.

  • Despite several conversations on more women’s participation in Nigerian politics—before and after the 2023 elections—the debate is still on for more women to be included in Nigeria’s political leadership. Let’s show you how bad things are.

    Out of 1,553 women who contested for various political seats across the federal and state levels in the 2023 elections, only 72 were elected. 1,487 of these women lost

    Only 17 women were voted into power in the 2023 parliamentary elections, with three and 14 women entering the Senate and House of Representatives, respectively. And only seven were elected as deputy governors of their states. No woman became governor. And as we all know, a woman is not our current president. 

    Now that we understand how bad things were in the 2023 elections, how can we ensure that the same events don’t repeat themselves in 2027? Well, ladies, the ElectHER Policy and Research Centre (EPRC) has the answer for you.

    The movement to get women involved in politics by ElectHER is called the Roadmap to Proactively Advance Gender Equity in Political Leadership in Nigeria.

    What will this do?

    This roadmap was designed to help push establishing a gender quota into law. Gender quotas imply that women must have a certain number or percentage in their nation’s parliament. For ElectHer, the percentage average they aim for is 22.5% representation by 2027.

    But how will this happen?

    This will be done through five main objectives:

    • Facilitate women’s inclusion in political hierarchy and adoption as party candidates by at least 35% in the 2027 elections.
    • Improve, control, and reduce the narrative of negative media stereotyping for women in Nigerian politics by at least 60% before 2027.
    • Control and minimise the impact of cultural and religious norms on politically exposed women in Nigeria.
    • Building institutions to encourage female candidacy for posts and make political participation attractive for women.
    • Strengthen the woman’s capacity to generate enough income and resources for campaigns.

    These objectives are further broken down into short-term, medium-term and long-term actions.

    Facilitate women’s inclusion in political hierarchy and adoption as party candidates by 35%

    ElectHER plans to do this through the following actions:

    • Aggressively sensitise women to participate in local/grassroots politics.
    • Lobby for women to be part of transition committees for both the president and state governor-elect. This is to ensure the presence of more women in appointment/ministerial positions.
    • Introduction of gender bills for reservation of seats for women in political parties.
    • Increase advocacy for affirmative action to become law.
    • Reservation of at least 20-35% seats for female political appointees at the state and federal levels.
    • The long-term goal is to develop and implement long-term capacity for identified female candidates. This will include mentorship programmes and tutorship in managing campaigns and fundraising.

    Reduce the negative media stereotyping of women in Nigerian politics by at least 60% 

    • Work with key stakeholders to review media content, language, and representation that reinforce discrimination against women.
    • Create more media content that promotes equity in governance through spotlights, profiling, and storytelling.
    • Develop strategic partnerships with media in the design and dissemination of media information.
    • Utilise entertainment and lifestyle media tools to reorient the public on the importance of women’s participation.

    Objective 3: Minimise the impact of cultural and religious norms on politically exposed women in Nigeria 

    • Visit key traditional and religious leaders to encourage inclusive participation of women at all levels of governance.
    • Facilitate national dialogue to address cultural and religious practices.
    • Advocate for full implementation of the National Gender Policy in Nigeria, which seeks to establish full gender equality for women.
    • Incorporate gender equity when drafting bills and making policies.
    • Co-create, design, and implement interventions that address socio-cultural norms that harm or subjugate women, especially in cases of gender-based electoral violence.
    • Leverage technology to build strong communities that include Nigerians in the diaspora.

    Building institutions to encourage female candidacy for posts and make political participation attractive for women.

    • Reintroduce the “Reserved Seat Bill”, a temporary measure for reserving a minimum number of seats for historically underrepresented groups. Consult with male senators who rejected the bill to find out why it was rejected and how it can be improved.
    • Call on influential men, media, private sector, and citizens to support the Reserved Seat Bill.
    • Review internal rules and procedures of Federal and State legislatures to encourage more inclusive participation.
    • Collaborate and establish relationships with key national learning and training institutions (e.g., the National Institute of Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS)) to ensure that gender equity conversations are included in every aspect of operations.

    Strengthen the woman’s capacity to generate enough income and resources for campaigns.

    • Focus on putting women out there, either with storytelling, visibility, networking, manifesto development, etc., to attract crowdfunding.
    • Improve involvement of individuals and women-led organisations with top female executives to mobilise resources for women with a proven track record ahead of the 2027 elections.
    • Have inter-generational knowledge-sharing sessions to ensure that women interested in politics can learn from older women with experience.
    • Establish a fundraising network for female candidates.

    Benefits of the Roadmap

    You now know the roadmap’s contents, so what are the benefits? Here are five of them:

    • Increased collaboration with all stakeholders.
    • Build gender-responsive reforms in government.
    • An establishment of the gender quota.
    • Improved media messaging towards women.
    • Amplifying women’s voices.
  • Since we started the Citizen History flagship, we have journeyed together through the significant conflicts of pre-colonial Nigeria. 

    We’ve visited the Ekumeku War, the ‘Expedition’ of Benin, the Bombardment of Lagos, and the Northern Nigeria Invasion. We’ve shown how our ancestors fought valiantly but yet lost to Britain.

    Today’s story takes us back to 1906, when Lord Lugard, the High Commissioner of the Northern Nigeria provinces, considered locals instead of British soldiers for leadership of the newly colonised lands. 

    Frederick Lugard, 1st Baron [Wikipedia]

    Why did a British representative trust the locals to rule over other locals, and how did he execute that? 

    This era in Nigeria’s colonial history is known as Indirect Rule.

    In June 1934, this picture was taken of the governor of northern Nigeria, Lord Lugard, and other country rulers at a zoo in London. [Getty Images]

    Indirect rule is a system of administration in the colonies where local leaders—although front-facing with the people and ruling with native politics—dance to the British tune and follow all orders the administration gave.

    But why was there an indirect rule?

    There were several reasons:

    • Britain didn’t have enough personnel for Nigeria’s enormous land mass. By 1925, there was approximately only one administrator for every 100,000 Nigerians. Even Lugard admitted it once by saying, “Nor do we have the means at present to administer so vast a country.”
    • Even if they could, there was an issue with Nigeria’s high mortality rate. Between 1895–1900, up to 7.9-10% of British officers died yearly. British officers were reluctant to move to Nigeria, and those that did wanted a higher salary, which Britain couldn’t give.
    • According to some reports, the colonial masters also wanted to limit uprisings from the Nigerians, who would rather be ruled by one of their own than a foreigner.

    Now that you understand why indirect rule happened, let’s walk you through what life looked like in both Northern and Southern Nigeria under this rule:

    Indirect Rule in Northern Nigeria: The Day in the Life of An Emir

    Emir of Kano in 1911 [Wikipedia]

    In northern Nigeria, the Emir was the traditional and spiritual leader of the emirate. Using Islamic dictates, he had a judicial system with alkalis, a revenue generation system, and several titled officials. The British did not see the need to overhaul their systems but took control of them instead.

    The Emir in colonial Northern Nigeria was not elected by the people but rather selected by the colonial government, which informed the kingmakers of their preferred candidate. So, even though he is ruling the Northern people, his allegiance goes to the British Crown, and this is backed up with letters of appointment and oaths.

    During his tenure, an Emir knows that his most important duty is tax collection, not for himself but on behalf of the British. Delayed tax payments could lead to their removal. 

    The budget for running the British colonial administration also came from these taxes, which were 25% of total taxes collected. The Emir never ruled alone but always had a “resident” with him as Britain’s colonial administrator for “advice”.

    The Emirs’ lives of indirect rule started properly in 1900 and ran till the 1940s.

    Indirect Rule in Southern Nigeria 

    South Eastern Nigeria 

    Implementing indirect rule in the North was a piece of cake for the British due to their existing political systems. But in the East, applying this method was hell.

    This was because the ethnic groups (Igbo, Ibibio, Efik, Ekoi, Ogoni, and others) did not believe in the existence of one ruler but rather lived in autonomous communities. To solve this problem, the British devised a solution in the form of “warrant chiefs”.

    A Day in the Life of A Warrant Chief

    An old kind of warrant chief, from The Nigeria Handbook, 1936 [Ukpuru]

    A warrant chief knows he is being called one due to the certificate the British give him. He is not a ruler but a representative of the colonial government. 

    Despite his power, he is more notorious than popular in the community, as the indigenes see him as disrupting the status quo and betraying them. Due to this resentment, his interactions with the villagers would always be laced with curses and abuse.

    The colonial administration made warrant chiefs tax collectors, used them to conscript youths as unwilling labourers for the colony, and oversee judicial matters. 

    The warrant chief knows he was not selected through any process, so he doesn’t need to be credible or reliable to the people to get the job done. He would be fraudulent with taxes being paid and would invent new ways of extorting the people of their funds.

    The actions of the warrant chiefs met such great resistance that he would experience revolts, including the Aba Women’s Revolt of 1929.

    South Western Nigeria 

    The first meeting of the Yoruba Obas in Oyo, 1937 [Asiri Magazine]

    Indirect rule was neither perfect nor unfit for the South West. The region had traditional rulers, often known as the Oba, who were held accountable under a democratic system with several checks and balances. The Oba, who already received taxes and tributaries, worked well for the colonial administration for tax collection.

    But this did not go without revolts and protests across different towns. One of them is the Abeokuta Women’s Revolt, which led to the removal of a King.

    The Impact of Indirect Rule in Nigeria 

    Here are some of the effects of indirect rule on modern-day Nigeria:

    • It led to the rise of nationalism across Nigeria
    • The title of “warrant chief” has gradually turned into a hereditary title today in the South East, with the descendants claiming to be from “royalty”. Key figures in Nigerian politics today are descendants of warrant chiefs, e.g. Senate President Godswill Akpabio is the descendant of warrant chief Udo Okuku Akpabio in Ikot Ekpene, former minister of foreign affairs, Geoffrey Onyeama, is the grandson of warrant chief Onyeama of Eke, etc.

    The story elements of this episode of Citizen History were sourced from “What Britain Did to Nigeria” by Max Silloun.