• As a Nigerian politician, having a sweet mouth is a highly desirable skill, no doubt. You can have great plans for your voters, but you need proper storytelling skills to stimulate them. You know? Something to keep the people going. 

    The Wildest Sob Stories Ever by Nigerian Politicians

    It’s not enough to say you’ll provide free education, you have to remind your voters that you couldn’t go to school when you were young because there was no one to provide free education for you. Or that you were forced to travel to school on foot across seven seas and mountains because there were no schools in your community.

    But as a voter, it’s useful to have it in the back of your mind that politicians are trying to game you. If politicians have to deceive or manipulate you to get what they want, they will — and they do. The goal is the elected office they want, and sometimes they’ll tell you sob stories to appear more relatable to you so you can vote for them. 

    You have to jazz up and always look at the merit of their actual plans, and not just their corny grass-to grace stories.

    The Wildest Sob Stories Ever by Nigerian Politicians

    With the campaign season for the 2023 elections kicking into gear, we compiled Nigerian politicians’ greatest hits of sob stories. And you should expect to see more of them.

    Goodluck Jonathan (2010)

    The Wildest Sob Stories Ever by Nigerian Politicians

    “In my early days in school, I had no shoes, no school bags. I carried my books in my hands but never despaired; no car to take me to school but I never despaired. There were days I had only one meal but I never despaired. I walked miles and crossed rivers to school every day but I never despaired. I didn’t have power, didn’t have generators, studied with lanterns but I never despaired.

    In spite of these, I finished secondary school, attended the University of Port Harcourt, and now hold a doctorate degree. Fellow Nigerians, if I could make it, you too can make it.”

    Muhammadu Buhari (2014)

    The Wildest Sob Stories Ever by Nigerian Politicians

    “It’s a pity I couldn’t influence the reduction of the cost of nomination forms. I felt heavily sorry for myself because I don’t want to go and ask somebody to pay for my nomination forms, because I always try to pay myself, at least for the nomination. N27 million is a big sum.

    Thankfully I have a personal relationship with the manager of my bank in Kaduna and I told him that very soon the forms are coming. So, whether I am on red, or green or even black, please honour my fund request otherwise I may lose the nomination.”

    Atiku Abubakar (2018)

    The Wildest Sob Stories Ever by Nigerian Politicians

    “I started out as an orphan selling firewood on the streets of Jada in Adamawa, but God, through the Nigerian state, invested in me and here I am today. If Nigeria worked for me, I owe it as my duty to make sure that Nigeria also works for you.”

    ALSO READ: Can a Nigerian Lawmaker Represent Constituencies in More Than One State?

    Rotimi Amaechi (2022)

    “I don’t come from a privileged background. I grew up poor. I understand how it feels to go without some meals in a day. I know the pain of lack and the agony of want. I know what it means to see your parents toil just to keep a roof over your family’s head. I know what it is to feel the weight of expectation when you are the only one in your family who enjoys the opportunity to attend university. I know what it is to scrimp and save and struggle.”

    Atiku Abubakar (2022)

    This guy, again.

    “Who could have ever imagined, an 11-year-old village orphan, who had to rear other people’s cattle to raise money to feed his family, would have the opportunity to go to school for free, rise through the cadre of a decent profession, establish successful businesses, and become the Vice President of this country? That’s the Nigerian dream and that’s my story. That’s the possibility I want to pass to you and your children. No matter your current circumstances, that shouldn’t limit your success in life. There shouldn’t be any limit to what you want to achieve if you’re willing to work for it.”

    ALSO READ: Time Is Running Out for You to Register for Your PVC

  • Nigerian politics is a big-money business. It’s why everyone and their children want to stay involved until rapture happens. But before anyone can get to the money on the table, they have to first drop something for the boys.

    Nomination forms are expensive in many parties

    One of the biggest ways political parties in Nigeria raise money for their survival is through elections. According to Nigeria’s laws, only political parties can field candidates for elections. And before anyone aspiring for office can contest in a party’s primary election, they have to buy a nomination form and expression of interest form.

    These two forms have to be bought before a party considers an aspirant to be serious about getting in the game. And because there are hundreds of people trying to get into elected office during any election cycle, political parties are usually smiling to the bank. 

    Nomination forms are expensive in many parties

    For example, the All Progressives Congress (APC) made over N6.9 billion just from the sale of forms to aspirants who participated in the 2019 elections.

    With the 2023 general elections less than one year away, it’s harvest season again for political parties in Nigeria. Many of the parties have started selling forms to hundreds of aspirants for hundreds of positions nationwide. Let’s take a look at the billing field.

    Nomination forms are expensive in many parties

    Nigerian political parties right now

    All Progressives Congress (APC)

    President – ₦100 million

    Governor –  ₦50 million

    Senate – ₦20 million

    House of Representatives – ₦10 million

    House of Assembly – ₦2 million

    Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP)

    President – ₦40 million

    Governor – ₦21 million

    Senate – ₦3.5 million

    House of Representatives – ₦2.5 million

    House of Assembly – ₦600k

    Action Alliance (AA)

    President – ₦15 million

    Governor – ₦6 million

    Senate – ₦3 million

    House of Representatives – ₦1.5 million

    House of Assembly – ₦500k

    African Democratic Congress (ADC)

    President – ₦25 million

    Governor – ₦12 million

    Senate –  ₦2.5 million

    House of Representatives – ₦1.5 million

    House of Assembly – ₦500k

    All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)

    President – ₦25 million

    Governor – ₦15 million

    Senate – ₦10 million

    House of Representatives – ₦7 million

    House of Assembly – ₦2.5 million

    National Rescue Movement (NRM)

    President – ₦19 million

    Governor – ₦8.2 million

    Senate – ₦2.2 million

    House of Representatives – ₦1.1 million

    House of Assembly – ₦550k

    ALSO READ: PVCs Are Coming! And New Voters Can Start Collecting Them, But…

    New Nigeria Peoples’ Party (NNPP)

    President – ₦30 million

    Governor – ₦11 million

    Senate – ₦3 million

    House of Representatives – ₦1,250,000

    House of Assembly – ₦350k

    Social Democratic Party (SDP)

    President – ₦35 million

    Governor – ₦16 million

    Senate –  ₦3 million

    House of Representatives – ₦1.7 million

    House of Assembly – ₦500k

    Peoples Redemption Party (PRP)

    President – ₦10 million

    Governor – ₦2.5 million

    Senate – ₦1.5 million

    House of Representatives – ₦250k

    House of Assembly – ₦100k

    Young Progressives Party (YPP)

    President – ₦20 million

    Governor – ₦10 million

    Senate – ₦3 million

    House of Representatives – ₦2 million

    House of Assembly – ₦400k

    Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)

    President – ₦23 million

    Governor – ₦12 million

    Senate – ₦2 million

    House of Representatives – ₦700k

    House of Assembly – ₦350k

    What’s the real cost of these forms?

    The costs of the forms have been controversial, especially those charged by the APC and PDP who are the two biggest parties. The costs keep climbing every new election cycle. Even President Buhari cried that he couldn’t afford the ₦27.5 million that forms cost in 2014. But those same forms cost N100 million eight years later. 

    Critics believe that the high cost of forms is keeping people of modest means out of politics. This equals influential political positions going to the highest bidders. The public fear is that these bidders are likely to dig into the public purse to compensate themselves if they get elected.

    Nomination forms are expensive in many parties

    Just the high costs of gate fees alone limit the participation of underrepresented groups like youths and women in Nigerian politics. As a deflection, some of the parties are offering the forms at discounted rates or even for free to aspirants that are below 35, female or living with a disability. Yet, critics don’t think the gesture levels the playing field for them in any meaningful way. This is due to the other money challenges they’ll face before winning a primary election.

    Political parties are the only route to public office in Nigeria. As long as they continue to be the gatekeepers of elected office, they’ll continue to cash out. During election seasons, the real winners aren’t the ones announced by INEC or the voters, the real winners are the political parties.

    ALSO READ: Time Is Running Out for You to Register for Your PVC

  • The campaign season for the 2023 elections in Nigeria isn’t even in full gear yet and presidential aspirant, Bola Tinubu, is already dominating the charts for the most public blunders. 

    The former Lagos State governor raised eyebrows in 2021 when he said he would solve unemployment with the recruitment of 50 million Nigerian youths into the Army.

    That’s a force large enough to fight 10 world wars

    Tinubu has also managed to call Dolapo Osinbajo, the wife of the vice president, the wife of the president and claimed Nigerian youths are “tweeting on WhatsApp”.

    While these blunders are harmless, entertaining fodder for online mockery, there’s another one Tinubu keeps repeating that could have dire consequences.

    Tinubu’s stubborn lie about PVCs

    At a consultation meeting in January 2022, Tinubu said the permanent voter cards (PVC) that Nigerians have had expired. He said it with the confidence of a man who knew what he was talking about. He further told his supporters to go back to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to register for new ones.

    Unsurprisingly, it turned out that he was saying nonsense. INEC quickly announced that PVCs don’t expire. It’s probably what the “permanent” in permanent voter cards means.

    Tinubu keeps making a false claim about the PVC

    Tinubu’s team immediately apologised for his blunder and that should have been the end of it. Except he’s struck again.

    At a campaign event in Lagos on April 16th 2022, Tinubu asked his supporters to make sure their PVCs haven’t expired. He told them to go revalidate their cards so that they can vote in the 2023 elections.

    ALSO READ: PVCs Are Coming! And New Voters Can Start Collecting Them, But…

    What does INEC think?

    INEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, announced on April 13th 2022 that 1,126,359 out of the 2,523,458 new applications for PVC between June and December 2021 were faulty. The cleanup of the data of registrants showed that 45 out of every 100 new applications in the six-month period were invalid.

    Tinubu keeps making a false claim about the PVC

    Yakubu offered two specific reasons for the trend: people who already registered but were registering for the second time and people who provided incomplete data and didn’t meet the criteria for registration.

    Registering more than once, like Tinubu keeps pushing, is an electoral offence punishable by one-year imprisonment, a fine of ₦100,000 or both. This is clearly stated in Section 23 of the Electoral Act 2022.

    Tinubu keeps making a false claim about the PVC

    What if I have a problem with my PVC?

    INEC has provided two reasons for why such a high number of people’s PVC registrations were invalid: ignorance or deliberate attempts to cheat the system. People engaging in the latter will smell jail if convicted, but people in the former simply need education.

    Tinubu keeps making a false claim about the PVC

    Listen carefully

    INEC’s message is clear: you don’t have to register for a PVC if you’ve already registered before. If you’ve had problems in the past with your PVC or fingerprint recognition during accreditation in any previous election, all you need to do is revalidate. A revalidation involves visiting a registration centre to recapture your fingerprints and picture.

    If your PVC is missing or defaced, your details need correction or you need to transfer your PVC location, you also don’t need to register from scratch. INEC has provided resources for solving those problems too, available on the commission’s online platform.

    The registration for PVC is for Nigerians who have clocked the age of 18 years and have never registered before. PVCs don’t expire.

    Don’t say you weren’t warned.

    If you’re not sure of your registration status, you can contact INEC’s Help Desk, social media handles or registration officers at the registration centres for guidance.

    What you shouldn’t do is listen to Tinubu.

    ALSO READ: Time Is Running Out for You to Register for Your PVC

  • More and more politicians are going to new heights to declare their intentions to run for office. Rotimi Amaechi ran a lap around a stadium to prove his fitness for office, and Adamu Garba II climbed a rock to declare for the presidency at a spot he said is the real centre of Nigeria. 

    It’s all so entertaining, but what about the voters?

    PVC collection

    What’s up with PVC registration?

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) resumed registration for Permanent Voter Card (PVC) in June 2021. The commission set a target to register 20 million new voters to add to the existing 84 million on the register of voters. The exercise was divided into four quarters:

    First Quarter – June 28th 2021 to September 21st 2021

    Second Quarter – October 4th 2021 to December 20th 2021 

    Third Quarter – January 3rd 2022 to March 22nd 2022

    4th Quarter – April 11th 2022 to June 30th 2022.

    As of the end of the third quarter, 4.4 million new voters had completed their PVC registration — only 22% of the target set by INEC. 

    PVC registration

    Eligible Nigerians who are 18 years old or older have only three months left to register for the card. But this article isn’t about them.

    ALSO READ: Time Is Running Out for You to Register for Your PVC

    I have registered. When can I get my card?

    PVC collection

    INEC announced on April 13th 2022 that 1,390,519 PVCs have been printed for new registrants. The commission also printed 464,340 PVCs for people who applied for transfer or replacement of cards. This means a total of 1,854,859 PVCs are now ready for collection from April 19th 2022.

    Who qualifies to collect PVC now?

    The current round of collection is for applicants who completed registration in the first and second quarters of the ongoing exercise. This means people who registered for new cards or applied for transfer or replacement between June 28th 2021 and December 20th 2021.

    INEC will contact them by email and text messages on the availability of the cards and the places to collect them. You can also verify your registration status here.

    What do I need to collect PVC?

    If you qualify for collection, you need to present your Temporary Voter Card (TVC) at the INEC centre to get your PVC.

    ALSO READ: How To Register For PVC Online In 7 Easy Steps

    There’s a little problem…

    It’s possible that you registered for PVC as a new voter between June and December 2021 but you won’t be getting your card. 

    PVC collection

    While INEC has printed 1.3 million PVCs for new voters, 2.5 million people actually registered within the period. The commission said 1,126,359 of the applications were ruled to be invalid. This represents 44% of the total number of registrations.

    This was due to a lot of reasons which include illegal double registration and incomplete data. The invalid registrants won’t be included in the register of voters.

    What’s the solution?

    Nigerians who are affected by this problem can contact INEC’s Help Desk, social media handles or registration officers at the registration centres for guidance on how to proceed.

    ALSO READ: Zikoko’s Responsible Voter Starter Kit for 2023 Elections

  • The 2023 general elections are less than a year away and politicians have already started hustling to appear on the ballot. Aspirants for public office are buying nomination forms worth millions of naira, making campaign promises and producing painfully hilarious campaign jingles like this:

    While the politicians are already setting things in place, statistics are showing that voters are maybe not doing enough to prepare

    To vote in the election, every Nigerian of voting age needs a permanent voter card (PVC). It’s important. You can’t show up to a voting centre with your driver’s licence to vote.

    Time Is Running Out for You to Register for Your PVC

    At the end of the 2019 elections, Nigeria had 84 million people on the voters’ register. And when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) resumed the PVC registration exercise in June 2021, it set a target to register 20 million new voters

    More than nine months into the registration exercise, only 4.4 million people have registered. That’s only 22% of the target set by INEC. More than three million have started their online registration but haven’t completed it yet.

    Time Is Running Out for You to Register for Your PVC

    Let’s run down a list of the most common questions about the registration process:

    When does registration end?

    The ongoing PVC registration exercise will be paused on June 30th 2022. Anyone that hasn’t registered for PVC by then won’t be able to vote in the 2023 general elections. The registration exercise also likely won’t resume until at least 2024.

    ALSO READ: How To Register For PVC Online In 7 Easy Steps

    What if I need to change my voting centre?

    INEC is also still processing other PVC-related issues including change of voting location and requests for new PVCs. You can start that process with an online application here. This will also be paused on June 30th.

    What if I can’t register online?

    Some people have experienced problems with completing their online registration. This shouldn’t stop you. If you’re affected by this, you can show up at a registration centre close to you to start the process there instead.

    ALSO READ: Don’t Fight Me, but This Is Why I Don’t Have a PVC

    I have registered but when do I get my PVC?

    INEC is yet to start printing PVCs for new voters. The agency has to clean up the registration process to ensure only genuine registrants are added to the voters’ register. When this is completed, INEC will announce the date new voters can start collecting their PVCs. 

    Why do I need to register for PVC?

    Voter turnout in Nigeria’s general elections has been dropping since 2003 even though the voters’ register has been increasing. This is due to a host of reasons including disorganisation, election violence, voter apathy and probably Desmond Elliot.

    But despite the disappointment Nigerians feel about the political class, voting at the ballot remains the most effective way for them to determine the future of the country. Getting as many people as possible to register and vote for the right candidates will determine how the country will deal with its many challenges.

    This is why it’s important that everyone that’s eligible to vote does so. It’s the part you have to play in the giant machine that is Nigeria.

    ALSO READ: Zikoko’s Responsible Voter Starter Kit for 2023 Elections

  • Ordinarily, the most important quality you’d expect of someone hoping to become the president of a country of over 200 million people is that they’re smart. It helps if they also have swag or can pretend to be a hairdresser, but it’s critical that they’re a problem-solver and know what they’re doing.

    Also helps if they can create memes.

    After eight years of Buhari, Nigerians will get the chance to choose a new president in 2023. With less than one year to go before that decision is made, a pattern is starting to emerge about what will be the most important quality of the person that takes over. 

    On the list of priorities that have been considered by those in political circles, regional identity sits at the top. Since President Buhari is a northerner, there have been demands that the next president comes from the southern region.

    This is what’s called zoning. We’ve already explained what zoning means — an unofficial arrangement to rotate power between northern and southern Nigeria. There have also been calls to micro-zone the position to a geopolitical zone like the southeast region that hasn’t produced a president or vice president since 1999, when zoning first became a thing.

    ALSO READ: Primary Elections Are Coming, But What Does Zoning Mean?

    The zoning debate has been causing friction within Nigeria’s two biggest parties — the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC). We look at what politicians — who have vested interests in where Nigeria’s next president should come from — have said about zoning.

    Dele Momodu presidential aspirant

    I believe that allowing all aspirants to buy their forms at ₦40 million suggests that the race is open to all, regardless of what part of Nigeria they come from. It’s practically and legally impossible for a political party to disqualify an aspirant on account of zoning after collecting a whopping ₦40 million for services not rendered. I’m expecting a level playing ground for all aspirants.

    Governor Nyesom Wike presidential aspirant

    We’ve always done zoning in the PDP. You cannot stop it. If the party says they’re zoning to the north, I have no problem. I will obey the party but what I don’t agree with is for people to say that there shouldn’t be zoning.

    Hope Uzodinma Imo State governor

    Nobody will get a presidential ticket because he spoke good English on television, or abused people on television. It’s the decision of the party and many factors will be responsible. The ticket will be given to a name that can win an election.

    I’ll rather see a situation where merit is allowed to drive the process of determining who occupies a public office in the country rather than where you come from. We must use our diversity to strengthen national unity, not to divide the nation.

    Donald Duke former Cross River governor

    Ordinarily, I’m not a proponent of zoning, but I’m a proponent of equity and that takes precedence to zoning. Beyond that, our country is in a very desperate situation today and you need a leader that’s formidable and can make things right.

    Atiku Abubakar presidential aspirant

    The PDP has the right to determine its rules on how the party should be governed. The people of Nigeria also have the right to determine who governs them. Where the president comes from has never been the problem of Nigeria, neither will it be the solution. There’s no such thing as a president from southern Nigeria or northern Nigeria. There’s only one — a president from Nigeria, for Nigeria, by Nigerians.

    ALSO READ: Who Wants to Be Nigeria’s President in 2023?

    Bukola Saraki presidential aspirant

    I’m not saying that zoning is not a criterion that must be considered when you talk about where power comes from. What I’m saying is that in 2023, zoning and other issues must be considered. We’re at a defining moment in our history where, aside from where you come from, what also really matters is how to prevent our country from becoming a failed state. As we address the issue of where you come from, we must also put that energy into who and what kind of leadership we need now.

    Kingsley Moghalu presidential aspirant

    I’m running for President of Nigeria. I’m not waiting until the presidency is zoned to anywhere. I’m running on a vision, not on ethnic identity politics. I’m as good as anyone in Nigeria — north or south — to be President.

    Nasir El-Rufai Kaduna State governor

    I’ll support any APC candidate if I’m satisfied that he’ll do the best for Nigeria. It doesn’t matter whether he’s from the southwest, southeast or south-south; the APC is what matters and the quality of the person. The discussion we’re having is that the Presidency is zoned to the south.

    Iyorchia Ayu PDP chairman

    PDP has a history of rotating our offices. Anybody who doesn’t get it this time should wait after the tenure of whoever will be our next president.

    Rotimi Akeredolu Ondo State governor

    I believe that any party that picks somebody from the north would have to face the whole southern region because they’ll not support it. We’re saying that there must be what I’ll call “rotation”. The justice of it and the fairness in it are what we’re preaching. If President Buhari has been in office for eight years, the next president can’t be from the north.

    ALSO READ: Buhari’s Weirdest Decisions We Thought Were April Fool’s Day Jokes But Weren’t

  • Nigeria’s Game of Thrones for the 2023 presidential election is currently at the point where everybody and their grandmother is laying claim to the Iron Throne. We recently made a list of some of the aspirants in the race, but a few more people have declared their intention since then to replace President Buhari in 2023.

    Let’s see who’s shooting their shots at the most difficult job in the country. 

    Atiku Abubakar

    Atiku Abubakar is a 2023 presidential election candidate

    You may remember Atiku Abubakar as Nigeria’s vice president between 1999 and 2007. What you may not know is that he’s been involved in every single presidential election since 1993. To clarify: he’s been either a vice presidential candidate, presidential aspirant or candidate in Nigeria’s past seven presidential elections since the 1990s. But he’s only made it to the general election ballots for the presidential position twice: in 2007 and 2019.

    When he officially declared his intention to join the race for the 2023 presidential election on March 23rd 2022, the former vice president said he was obeying the “brave voices” of Nigerians who told him to try again. He wants Nigerians to remember him as the 11-year-old village orphan that reared cattle and rose through adversity to become successful. 

    Atiku’s big rallying cry for the 2023 election is to unify Nigerians, and we’re guessing he’s going to need more than cellotape to pull that off.

    Peter Obi

    Peter Obi is a 2023 presidential election candidate

    Politicians lie all the time about how they joined an election race because ordinary people pressured them to run, but that’s hardly the case for Peter Obi. Since he stopped being Anambra State governor in 2014, his name has always popped up as a viable potential for the presidency. 

    For the 2019 presidential election, Obi settled for being a vice presidential candidate alongside Atiku. This time around, he’ll be running head-to-head against Atiku for the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). 

    For his campaign, you can expect a lot of promises about saving Nigeria by saving money, and a lot of statistics about China.

    ALSO READ: Why Nigeria (Probably) Needs a 102-Year-Old President

    Aminu Tambuwal

    Aminu Tambuwal is a 2023 presidential election candidate

    Aminu Tambuwal has been a busy politician by all standards. He won his first election to enter the House of Representatives in 2003 and won two more before he left in 2015 as Speaker. From the National Assembly, he jumped right into the governorship seat for Sokoto State in 2015 and won a second term in 2019. 

    He’s also jumped parties as regularly as the national grid collapses. He started from the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) before he jumped to the Democratic People’s Party (DPP) and back to the ANPP and then almost immediately to the PDP. He stayed with the PDP for seven years before he jumped to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2014, and then back to the PDP again four years later. 

    This is not the first time Tambuwal is eyeing the presidency too. He finished second behind Atiku in the PDP’s primary election four years ago, and the two will do battle once again for 2023.

    Nyesom Wike

    Nyesom Wike is a 2023 presidential election candidate

    Without context, Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State does things like this:

    Wike has been a cornerstone of the PDP for years and his retirement plan after eight years as Rivers State governor is the presidency. When he officially announced his intention to run for the top seat, he mentioned that his strategy is to take power from the APC and save Nigeria.

    We’ll let him use his own words to describe his claim to the presidency, “When a mad man flogs you, don’t run. If you run, the mad man will pursue you. If he flogs you, take a stick and flog the mad man. If you do that, the mad man will start running. This APC requires people to say, ‘Enough is enough,’ and I’m that person that can tell them.”

    We can be sure that the 2023 presidential election will be anything but boring with this one around.

    With primary elections set to start in April 2022, more people may join the 2023 presidential race. But not to worry, we’ll keep you updated.

    ALSO READ: These People Want to Lead Nigeria But Who Are They?

  • The All Progressives Congress (APC) is currently the living proof of “uneasy lies the head that wears the crown”. Before we begin, it’s useful to remember that the party was created in 2013 when some existing parties merged to become one. Something like this:

    The APC was scrapped together like a knock-off Avengers with the simple goal of snatching power from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Skip to 2022 and the APC has been in power for years, but its bid to remain in power first needs to survive a civil war that’s ripping it apart. 

    POV: You’re watching APC’s internal politics

    Civil war ke?

    When Adams Oshiomhole was removed as APC chairman in June 2020 after months of internal crisis that stressed President Buhari enough to step in, the party created a caretaker committee to manage its national affairs until a national working committee (NWC) can be elected.

    That committee can only be elected at a national convention which the caretaker committee was also charged with organising. The caretaker committee was led by Mai Mala Buni who is also the serving governor of Yobe State. The committee was supposed to conduct the national convention before December 2020. That was two years ago, and the party is yet to have a national convention or new leadership.

    What’s causing the delay?

    The short version of why the APC has not conducted a national convention looks like this:

    Imagine a very noisy room.

    The delegates that vote for new leaders at the national convention are mostly officials elected at congresses of state chapters. But many of APC’s state chapters have their own mini civil wars going on. More than a dozen of them have two different sets of elected executives claiming to be in charge of the party’s structure. 

    ALSO READ: Why Is Buhari Using Nigerias $1 million to Do Giveaway for Afghanistan?

    Buni’s slice of heaven

    The APC was really close to conducting the national convention on February 26th, 2020 but it was postponed to March 26th. Many people were not happy with the postponement.

    Buni is considered the biggest factor for why a national convention has not happened. The popular theory is that he enjoys the warmth of the seat too much and wants to stay in it for longer. Many people within the party have raised dust about his continued stay in office and tried to uproot him. Even the PDP has tried. But Buni has enjoyed Buhari’s support so he’s stayed on. Until now.

    A palace coup

    The governor of Niger State, Abubakar Sani Bello, suddenly announced himself as the acting chairman of the caretaker committee after a meeting with other members on March 7th, 2022. He made the announcement while Buni was out of the country on medical leave. 

    And this is where the story gets confusing. Strap in.

    Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, announced in a televised interview that Buni will not be returning as chairman. He accused his colleague of scheming to keep postponing the convention. The message was clear — Buni out, Bello in. But when Governor Bello invited the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to the emergency meeting of the APC’s National Executive Committee (NEC), the commission said:

    INEC recognises only Buni as the party’s chairman and has refused to accept Bello’s invitation. This wrinkle means APC may need Buni to quickly recover from whatever he’s treating abroad and return to steer the party to the convention.

    Where does this end?

    Things have moved fast in the APC since Governor Bello took over. Ondo State governor, Rotimi Akeredolu, sparked some anger when he said “Yahoo Yahoo” governors in the party helped Buni overstay his welcome. The situation has been so chaotic that Buhari, all the way from London, has had to tell everyone to chill out. He also rebuked the Nigerian media for focusing too much on the crisis, in which case we imagine he’s not too happy with this extra article talking about it.

    The APC is in a delicate position. There are over 200 active cases against the party, including at least nine that are trying to block the convention. If the APC messes up the crisis, the party could be ineligible to present any candidates for the 2023 general elections.

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  • Going to prison means losing access to many nice things like freedom, privacy and owambe weekends. But if you’re locked up in a Nigerian prison, one of the nice things you’re technically still entitled to is your right to vote.

    Nigerian senators want over 70,000 prisoners to be allowed to vote in the 2023 general elections

    At all at all naim bad pass

    The 1999 Constitution (as amended) and Electoral Act 2022 that dictate voting guidelines don’t explicitly rule inmates out from voting. But prison inmates have been fighting for a chance to exercise this right because no one cares about it.

    The Federal High Court in Benin City ruled in 2014 that prisoners should be allowed to exercise their right to vote.

    Justice Mohammed Lima said, “To deny inmates the right to vote is unconstitutional, illegal, irregular, unlawful, null and void and of no effect whatsoever. Being an inmate is not an offence that impedes their registration and voting right under Section 24 of the Electoral Act.”

    The court ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to update its register of voters to account for the prisoners. The order was not acted upon when INEC conducted the 2015 general elections the following year. This was because the court narrowed down the ruling to just the five inmates that filed the lawsuit, even though the applicants had filed on behalf of Nigeria’s entire prison population.

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    When the applicants appealed the ruling, the Court of Appeal in Benin ruled in 2018 that the right should apply to every inmate in prisons. But Justice S. Oseji still did not approve an application for INEC to create polling units at prisons. That order also took no effect during the 2019 general elections.

    And that’s where senators come in

    Nigerian senators want over 70,000 prisoners to be allowed to vote in the 2023 general elections

    Senator Abba Moro raised a motion during the Senate’s plenary on March 8, 2022 to discuss the right of prisoners to vote. He argued that the right of every eligible Nigerian to vote remains sacrosanct even if they’re sitting in prison.

    He said, “Being a prison inmate is not an impediment to the criminal’s registration and voting rights as enshrined under Section 24 of the Electoral Act 2022, and denying prison inmates access to the electoral process constitutes an infringement of their rights as citizens of Nigeria.”

    This is the section of the Electoral Act Senator Moro quoted.

    Senator Moro’s motion didn’t specify if prison inmates on death row — Nigeria has more than 3,000 of them — should be able to vote too. When Senator Matthew Urhoghide raised a point about death row inmates voting, the Senate President, Ahmad Lawan, said, “Many of us have that kind of thinking that maybe certain things here may not necessarily be…this thing. It depends on the workability. It’s okay.”

    So, we’re guessing he doesn’t really know how it should work.

    At the end of the debate, senators approved five resolutions:

    1. INEC and all relevant agencies should carry out a voracious voters’ enlightenment in all prisons in Nigeria to educate the inmates on their rights and the necessity to exercise their franchise in the general elections.

    2. INEC and all relevant agencies should update their registers of voters to take into account the prison population for the purpose of election.

    3. INEC should collaborate with the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCS) to locate voting centres at custodial centres across Nigeria to be used for voting.

    4. INEC should allow duly registered and eligible prison inmates to exercise their franchise during all general elections in Nigeria.

    5. INEC should determine the prisoners that are constitutionally and legally qualified, to be registered as voters and vote during elections.

    ALSO READ: Does the National Assembly Hate Nigerian Women?

    Will prisoners vote in 2023?

    We asked INEC about the resolutions that were approved and what the commission plans to do. Rotimi Oyekanmi, the media aide to INEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, said the commission won’t make any decisions until it receives official notification from the Senate.

    He said, “The commission will definitely make its decision public.”

    An INEC official representing Yakubu at a public engagement in November 2021 said the commission was already thinking about setting up a structure for prisoners to vote. But it’s unlikely that this will happen before millions of Nigerians go to the polls to vote in 2023 due to time constraints.

    Nigeria’s electoral laws, backed by  court orders, show that the answer to “Should prisoners be able to vote?” is yes. The real question is, “Will they be allowed to?”

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  • Supreme Leader President Muhammadu Buhari finally signed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill into law on February 25, 2022.

    He rejected it five times since 2018 and needed some encouragement to finally sign, but Nigeria can finally prepare for the 2023 general elections.

    Nigerians can rejoice that a new Electoral Act has been signed

    What is this Electoral Act about?

    Elections in Nigeria are majorly guided by the laws in the Electoral Act.

    These laws determine if we’re casting votes with cowry shells or ballot paper.

    The Electoral Act is pivotal to the conduct of elections in Nigeria

    The last major changes were made in 2010 when Goodluck Jonathan was still president.

    Much of the content of the Electoral Act 2010 has since been considered outdated, but Buhari refused amendment proposals, until now.

    How’s this my business?

    Voters should care about the Electoral Act

    Nigerian elections are not the most trusted in the world, especially locally.

    Much of this lack of trust is informed by how elections are conducted and how easy they are to manipulate.

    Some of the things that make this culture of manipulation easy can be fixed by updating the laws.

    As a voter, the signing of this bill is good news because it’s filled with improvements that can build trust.

    What improvements?

    We can’t go over everything yet, but here are some nice ones:

    Electronic transmission of results

    This law gives the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) the freedom to determine whether election results are transmitted manually or electronically. 

    Manual transmission of election results has made vote-rigging easy to do in Nigeria for years. 

    The electronic transmission will fix that in a big way, and INEC is very interested.

    Overvoting

    Election rigging is a game of numbers. You want to make sure 2+2 = 7, and be able to turn 6 upside down to become 9. 

    The Electoral Act eliminates fraud

    Even when ballot boxes are snatched, it’s to ensure voters in that location don’t contribute to the final tally. 

    The numbers can sometimes be overcooked so that there are more votes than voters. This is called overvoting. 

    The old law only accounted for overvoting when it exceeded the number of registered voters, but the new one is more specific and targets the number of voters that actually show up on election day. 

    If only 12 out of 100 registered voters are accredited for an election, then the result cannot show that 13 people voted.

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    Electronic accreditation

    Upgrading the Electoral Act to accommodate technology has been needed for a long time

    [Image via Channels TV]

    The new law has legalised the electronic accreditation of voters. INEC could electronically accredit voters in the past, but this was inadmissible in court because it was not backed by law.

    Upgrading the process that confirms the number of people that show up to vote is an effective way to prevent easy manipulation.

    Review of results

    INEC now has the power to review election results that are declared by its officers under duress. 

    Politicians have in the past intimidated electoral officers to declare results in their favour against the wishes of the officers

    It was impossible for INEC to overturn such fraudulent results on its own authority even with evidence of intimidation. No more of that illegality with this new law.

    Inclusive

    The new law places a burden of responsibility on INEC to ensure that polling units are equipped to cater to people living with disabilities. 

    This includes the provision of communication materials such as Braille, sign language interpretation, etc.

    Campaign duration

    According to the old laws, candidates were only allowed to campaign for 90 days before election day. The new law allows them 150 days. 

    This gives voters a lot more time to get to know candidates, ask hard questions and make better choices. We hope.

    What’s Buhari unhappy about?

    We mentioned before that Buhari has rejected five different opportunities since 2018 to review the laws.

    While giving his post-signing speech on February 25, he mentioned that he was still uncomfortable about one thing in the bill he signed.

    Section 84 (12) stops serving political appointees from voting or being voted for at the convention or congress of their parties.

    This means a minister in Buhari’s government cannot contest for an executive or legislative position without first having to resign from office.

    They could contest in the past and only needed to resign from office 30 days to the election after they had secured the party’s ticket.

    Buhari considers Section 84 (12) a constitutional violation of the rights of appointees and wants it amended immediately.

    But critics have already tackled him and asked lawmakers not to amend the section.

    What happens now?

    INEC is expected to release election guidelines and the timetable. The 2023 general elections are finally underway.

    And the very first step for you as a voter is to start with getting your PVC.

    May the best candidates win.

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