• On September 29th, 2022, candidates for the 2023 presidential election gathered at a glossy ceremony in Abuja to sign a peace accord. 

    …in their Sunday best

    This ceremony is like two lovers having a blood covenant, except there’s no blood involved here and the candidates aren’t really in love with one another. So, what’s this ritual about and why do they commit to it?

    A brief backstory

    It’s easy to forget these days, but Nigerian elections used to be very violent. Post-election violence used to be as inevitable as Buhari flying to London every year.

    …as long as he’s not the one getting the debit alert

    For example, the post-election violence of 2011 resulted in the death of more than 800 people after supporters of Muhammadu Buhari, who lost the election, protested that it was rigged. The protests degenerated into ethnoreligious riots in northern states where rioters murdered hundreds of people. 

    Critics partly blamed Buhari for the escalation of the violence due to his strong position that the southern Christian winner of the election, Goodluck Jonathan, rigged it. And he didn’t learn his lesson because, in 2012, Buhari went ahead to say, “The dog and the baboon would all be soaked in blood” if the 2015 election was rigged too.

    Rhetorics like Buhari’s and the general climate of careless conduct by Nigerian politicians formed the building blocks of the National Sensitisaton Workshop on Non-Violence in 2015.

    The first peace accord

    Ahead of the 2015 general elections, the worried Goodluck Jonathan administration initiated a series of conversations with political stakeholders on peace-building. The goal was to ensure political actors embraced a more civil approach during campaigns for office.

    At the National Sensitisaton Workshop on Non-Violence on January 14th 2015, presidential candidates, including Buhari, and their political parties signed a peace accord to behave themselves on the campaign trail. The main promises in the pact were to run issue-based campaigns and not engage in ethnoreligious provocations that could lead to violence. A new ritual was born.

    They even got Kofi Annan to attend this thing

    Section 3 of the peace accord recommended the creation of a National Peace Committee (NPC) to guarantee the constant promotion of peace. Funded by the United Nations’ Development Programme (UNDP), the NPC launched soon after, on January 25th 2015, and former military head of state, General Abdulsalami Abubakar appointed as its head.

    This is what the first peace accord looked like.

    2019 presidential candidates signed a similar pact, and 2023 candidates have now done the same. But we noticed a couple of notable things from this year’s ceremony.

    Tinubu is missing in action

    Since political parties elected their candidates in June, there have been two public events where the major candidates have crossed paths — the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) conference in August and the latest signing of the peace accord. The candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, has ghosted both events and sent his vice presidential candidate, Kashim Shettima, instead.

    Nigeria is only just about to be rid of one absentee president but a frontrunner to replace him is already showing signs of following in his footsteps. At least Buhari waited to get into the office before ghosting everyone. Tinubu is already running his campaign remotely and giving fuel to the beer parlour gist that his running mate is the one actually running for president.

    Sowore isn’t a man of peace

    The 2023 election is Omoyele Sowore’s second attempt contesting for the seat at Aso Rock Villa, but he’s acquired a reputation for being a troublemaker. He didn’t disappoint at the signing of the accord. 

    Sowore already mentioned in interviews that he wouldn’t allow organisers to treat him like a second-class candidate and he almost caused a stir when he wasn’t allowed to sit in the front row with the most prominent candidates. He also got in a brief war of words with former Abacha henchman, Hamza Al-Mustapha, who’s also running for president.

    Sowore went on to sign the peace accord, but we all know what he really is.

    Is the peace accord good for Nigeria?

    Nigerian elections used to be more violent than they currently are, and politicians were more reckless. Coincidence or not, that recklessness has become more restrained since candidates and parties started signing the NPC’s peace accord in 2015.

    “I promise not to call BAT a Yoruba masquerade.”

    Signing the peace accord may not completely eliminate the recklessness and violence still gripping Nigerian elections, but the NPC’s effort to establish a reasonable level of civility can’t be said to be a complete waste of time.

    The 2023 presidential candidates will sign a second peace accord close to the elections. This second accord is more tailored towards candidates promising to accept the result of a free, fair and credible election. 

    Hopefully, Tinubu has someone to alert him so he can put it on his calendar. He can’t say it’s his turn to be president and not turn up at these things.

    ALSO READ: One of These 18 Candidates Is Nigeria’s Next President

  • Elections are nothing without voters, just like an owambe without an abundant display of overpriced aso-ebi.

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    More than 90 million Nigerian voters will have the opportunity to elect Nigeria’s next set of leaders in February and March 2023. What are all the types of voters we expect to see and which one are you?

    The recruiting voter

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This person is always actively trying to recruit more voters for their preferred candidate before the election.

    The fear-fear voter

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This one won’t leave their house on election day because they’re afraid of electoral violence in their area. 

    The veteran voter

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This person has been voting since 1999 and is proud to let everyone know they never voted for Buhari the entire time.

    The audio voter

    This person only has a PVC to use as an identification card and won’t leave their bed on election day except for food.

    The party loyalist

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This person will vote for anyone their party puts on the ballot from top to bottom even if the candidates are suspected drug dealers, known thieves, bigots or even dogs named Bingo.

    The glory hunter

    This one will only vote for the candidate they think has the best chance of winning so they can brag at owambes that they put the person in office.

    The vote-seller

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This voter doesn’t care who becomes the president and is only at the polling unit to make money from vote-buyers. They’re likely to end up in prison because it’s a crime to buy and sell votes.

    The reluctant voter

    This voter thinks all Nigerian politicians are the same and not worth their vote but feels responsible enough to vote for whoever they think is the least toxic of the candidates.

    The procrastinating voter

    This voter takes all the time in the world to decide who to vote for and isn’t 100% sure until they have the ballot paper in their hand.

    The first-time voter

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This one either just reached the voting age of 18 or is a 40-year-old cargo who’s only just accepted the civic responsibility to vote in an election for the first time. Everyone will hear about their first experience and about how they made the best choice.

    The waiting-to-japa voter

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This voter is giving Nigeria one last chance to elect the leader they think is the right one and is ready to leave the country if they don’t have their way. You can trust them to tweet, “Election has consequences,” from abroad every time the national grid collapses in Nigeria.

    The investigative voter

    This one wants to know who everyone in their neighbourhood voted for just to start arguments.

    The coconut head voter

    This voter won’t run home after voting. They’ll stick around to see the votes are counted properly, to avoid stories that touch.

    The failed-by-INEC voter

    There Are the 14 Types of Nigerian Voters We’ll See in 2023

    This voter registered but didn’t get their PVC from INEC before the election. They now have to watch from the sidelines as others decide their future for them.

    ALSO READ: What if These Nigerian Politicians Were to Be Your Co-Workers?

  • Competition is an undisputed pillar of any democracy, and every four years, Nigerian politicians compete for a limited number of seats. 

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    And just like in most competitions, there are hard and fast rules that apply to elections when politicians apply for political office.

    Persuading voters is an essential part of a political campaign and this is how candidates attempt to convince voters to win their votes. In typical Nigerian fashion, electoral candidates make promises to deliver heaven on earth, turn water into wine and remove fuel subsidy

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    Candidates also get to push their campaigns through adverts, theme songs and TikTok videos just to connect with the voters. The road to pulling this off is long and exhausting and has an unclear guarantee of success, so Nigerian politicians found a shortcut called vote-buying.

    What’s vote-buying?

    Vote-buying is an illegal transaction between representatives of a candidate and voters. These representatives show up at polling units on election day and use monetary inducements to secure their votes. Even though the rewards range between a measly ₦5,000 and ₦20,000, vote-buying is effective in Nigeria because agents target the most vulnerable communities in a country with millions of extremely poor people.

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    Section 121 of the Electoral Act 2022 defines vote-buying as “bribery and conspiracy” which means anyone who directly or indirectly offers to buy votes is guilty. Voters that accept this bribery are also guilty according to the law, and both parties in the transaction are liable to pay a maximum fine of ₦500,000, 12 months imprisonment or both.

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    The Electoral Act’s definition and much of the vote-buying conversations in Nigeria focus on the buying and selling that inevitably happens on election day. But there are other types of vote-buying that occur before election day that are also quite common without receiving the same level of scrutiny.

    Stomach infrastructure

    Stomach infrastructure is one of the most prominent building blocks of political campaigns in Nigeria. Candidates try to curry favour with voters by providing them basic food items in exchange for their votes at the polls.

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    While critics usually consider stomach infrastructure as just another silly thing Nigerian politicians do, it’s vote-buying. Stomach infrastructure is captured by the definition of “bribery and conspiracy” in Section 121 which stipulates that the inducement can happen “before or during an election”.

    Providing free services

    Nigerian candidates also tend to do things like this:

    It’s not text-book vote-buying and the police won’t arrest anyone for it, but it falls within the realm of the definition of “bribery and conspiracy” defined by the Electoral Act 2022. 

    Any offer of reward designed to alter the electoral behaviour of voters before and during an election is vote-buying. And we’ve seen enough to know Nigerian politicians don’t care.

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    As 2023 elections campaigns kick off…

    On September 28th, 2022, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) fired the starting gun for candidates to officially start campaigning for the 2023 general elections. 

    On your mark…

    Many things are going to start happening: more campaign drama, more campaign promises and a dash of vote-buying here and there.

    As campaigns start, it’s your responsibility to pay attention to the real tangibles that matter for an election and pass that education on to everyone else around you. Allow good ideas to lead, not stomach infrastructure that can land you in prison. 

    Vote-buying weakens electoral discipline and fosters a culture of the most undeserving sneaking into important public positions. The only way a candidate should be buying your vote is by presenting their best ideas on how they’ll solve problems that are most important to you.

    Politicians that buy your vote will compromise your integrity and won’t act for the common good if they win. Say no to vote-buying.

    Vote-buying is a problem in Nigeria

    ALSO READ: One of These 18 Candidates Is Nigeria’s Next President

  • On the night of May 28th, 2022, delegates of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) gathered in Abuja to elect its 2023 presidential candidate. Moments before the voting commenced, the governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, mounted the podium, grabbed the mic and made a couple of interesting promises. 

    As one of the aspirants contesting for the PDP’s ticket that night, he vowed strongly to support the winner and help the party win the 2023 presidential election. But everything he’s done to the PDP since then has been a betrayal of his words. What changed?

    A crushing loss

    Wike’s first problem was losing the ticket he desperately wanted to the perennial presidential aspirant and former vice president, Atiku Abubakar

    The defeat was a bitter pill for Wike to swallow, especially losing to Atiku who helped the opposition kick the PDP out of Aso Rock Villa in 2015. 

    Wike vs Atiku

    One thing you should know about Wike is he started from the bottom — as a local government chairman in 1999, to the chief of staff of a state governor in 2007, to junior minister in 2011, senior minister in 2013 and finally governor in 2015. He’s been gathering the infinity stones of politics for the past 23 years and losing on his first crack at the biggest and final stone must have stung.

    Wike, naturally, didn’t like losing, but he was even more upset about how it happened.

    A friendly knife in the back

    There are no permanent friends in politics and Wike got a very painful dose of that the night PDP handed Atiku the ticket. A big reason the governor lost was the last-minute withdrawal of Sokoto State governor, Aminu Tambuwal, from the race. 

    When he announced his withdrawal at the May convention, Tambuwal asked delegates to transfer all his votes to Atiku. The only problem was up until that moment, Tambuwal and Wike were BFFs. 

    Wike vs Atiku

    It’s all love and friendly stabbings over here

    In fact, Wike heavily backed Tambuwal’s 2019 run for the PDP’s presidential ticket which he also lost to Atiku. So, Tambuwal’s last-minute betrayal left Wike feeling like this:

    But the series of unfortunate events didn’t end there.

    An unfortunate slip-up

    Hours after the convention, while Wike was away licking his wounds and probably cooking a diss track with his merry band of jesters, there was a knock on Tambuwal’s door

    When he opened it, he ushered in PDP executives led by Iyorchia Ayu, the national chairman of the party. After a very Nigerian back-and-forth hailing of each other as “My chairman”, Ayu looked lovingly into Tambuwal’s eyes and said, “You’re the hero of the convention.” 

    Wike saw the video of the meeting, and concluded northern forces in the party conspired to steal the ticket from him (and the south).

    Despite how deeply hurt he was at this point, there was one last opportunity for the PDP to mend fences with Wike: vice-presidentship.

    An offer not made

    Over a week after the PDP’s primary election, a 17-member committee submitted three names to Atiku to consider for the party’s vice presidential slot. Wike was on the list and enjoyed the support of the committee’s chairman, Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State. But on June 16th, 2022, Atiku handed his vice presidential ticket to Governor Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta State. And this was Wike’s 13th reason why.

    Wike vs Atiku

    Wike’s campaign of terror

    The Wike that emerged from the ashes of that crushing night in May has become a wrecking ball crushing the PDP’s chances of returning to Aso Rock Villa in 2023.

    With the help of his merry band who helps him compose his catchy impromptu diss tracks on all his opps and haters, he’s attacked Atiku many times over the past few weeks and rubbished the PDP’s current leadership.

    He’s even publicly flirted with rival presidential candidates Peter Obi and Bola Tinubu just to show Atiku he’s a man of many options. But what’s Wike’s endgame?

    What does Wike want?

    On September 20th, 2022, high-profile PDP members in Wike’s camp pulled out of Atiku’s presidential campaign committee. They protested that Ayu must resign as the party’s chairman so that a southerner can replace him. The point of the demand is to balance the PDP’s regional composition since Atiku, the presidential candidate, is also a northerner.

    Atiku has made it clear he can’t make Ayu step down, but Wike insists it’s something that needs to happen before he can even think about making more demands in exchange for his support.

    How Atiku deals with his Wike problem can greatly impact who ends up in Aso Rock Villa in 2023. Wike knows this and will milk the power of his influence till he gets his way. Who blinks first?

    ALSO READ: What We Learnt from Nyesom Wike’s London Tour

  • With five months left before Nigerians elect a new president, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has released the final list of candidates for the 2023 presidential election.

    More than 90 million Nigerians are registered to vote

    What you should know

    1. All 18 political parties in Nigeria have candidates on the ballot.
    2. There’s only one female candidate and no female running mate.
    3. The youngest presidential candidate is 38 years old. 
    4. The oldest presidential candidate is 75 years old.

    Who are the 2023 presidential candidates?

    …and who are their running mates?

    Christopher Imumolen, 38 — Accord (A)

    Education: Bachelor of Engineering

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Bello Bala Maru, 59.

    Princess Chichi Ojei, 44 — Allied Peoples Movement (APM)

    Education: American International School, Lagos

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Ibrahim Mohammed, 47

    Sunday Adenuga, 48 — Boot Party (BP)

    Education: FSLC, SSCE, Master of Science

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Mustapha Usman Turaki, 36

    Dumebi Kachikwu, 48 — African Democratic Congress (ADC)

    Education: FSLC, WAEC

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Ahmed Buhari, 40

    Nnadi Charles Osita, 49 – Action Peoples Party (APP)

    Education: FSLC, SSCE

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Hamisu Isah, 45

    Adewole Adebayo, 50 — Social Democratic Party (SDP)

    Education: FSLC, SSCE, LLB

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Buhari Yusuf, 50

    Omoyele Sowore, 51 — African Action Congress (AAC)

    Education: FSLC, WAEC, MSc

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Magashi Haruna Garba, 45

    Osakwe Felix Johnson, 57 — National Rescue Movement (NRM)

    Education: FSLC, NABTEB, B.A, MSc

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Kyabo Yahaya Muhammad, 72

    Malik Addo-Ibrahim, 58 — Young Progressives Party (YPP)

    Education: BSc in Economics

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Enyinna Michael Kasarachi, 44

    Kola Abiola, 60 — Peoples Redemption Party (PRP)

    Education: FSLC, WAEC, BSc, MBA, MSc

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Zego Haro Haruna, 49

    Peter Obi, 61 — Labour Party (LP)

    Education: FSLC, WASC/GCE

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, 53

    Hamza Al-Mustapha, 62 — Action Alliance (AA)

    Education: First School Leaving Certificate (FSLC), WAEC

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Johnson Emmanuel Chukwuma, 45

    Dan Nwanyanwu, 62 — Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)

    Education: WASC, LLB

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Abubakar Jibrin Ibrahim, 55

    Rabiu Kwankwaso, 66 — New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP)

    Education: FSLC, OND, HND, Post-graduate diploma, MSc, PhD

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Isaac Idahosa, 57

    Peter Umeadi, 67 — All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA)

    Education: Bachelor of Law (LLB)

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Mohammed Abdullahi Koli, 65

    Yabagi Sani, 68 — Action Democratic Party (ADP)

    Education: FSLC, Secondary School Certificate, BSc

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Udo Okey Okoro, 50

    Bola Tinubu, 70 — All Progressives Congress (APC)

    Education: BSc Business and Administration

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Kashim Shettima, 55

    Atiku Abubakar, 75 — Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)

    Education: GCE, MSc

    Vice Presidential Candidate: Ifeanyi Okowa, 63

    May the best man or woman win.

    ALSO READ: The Most Dramatic Moments of the 2023 Election Campaign… So Far

  • More than the freedom of speech and protection of your right to have terrible opinions about anything, elections are one of the status symbols of a functioning democracy. 

    Since no system is perfect, it’s important to always improve them. And if there’s an electoral system in desperate need of improvement, it’s Nigeria’s gbedu.

    It’s going to need more than an oil change

    What are some of the electoral laws from around the world Nigeria could take some notes from? We found a few useful ones.

    Automatic voter registration

    Every election season, Nigerians cry about how the registration process is too frustrating and millions are denied their right to vote. In the last continuous voter registration (CVR) exercise, more than seven million people started their registration but couldn’t finish it when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) shut the door on July 31st, 2022.

    This situation can be avoided if Nigeria decides to automate the registration process. In Sweden, the electoral commission extracts information from the country’s population database. The names of all qualified citizens are included in the voter register 30 days before every election, and eligible voters receive their voter cards by post three weeks before the election

    Argentina, Chile, Hungary, Israel and the Netherlands also automatically register their citizens to vote.

    If Nigeria decides to step into the 21st century and adopt this, the PVC registration process can stop looking like this:

    Flexible polling units

    If a voter in Nigeria relocates from the region they registered to vote, they have to apply for a transfer of polling unit to vote in their new location. This process can be quite tedious, and some people prefer to travel to their former location just to vote, even when it’s inconvenient. Most people don’t even bother.

    But in Australia, voters are allowed to cast their votes at any polling unit in their state or territory. If they’re out of the territory where they’re registered to vote, they can cast their ballot at designated interstate voting centres. Mobile polling teams also move around residential care facilities and remote areas to ensure more people get to vote.

    “Can we have a minute to discuss the gospel of voting?”

    ALSO READ: The Most Dramatic Moments of the 2023 Election Campaign… So Far

    Compulsory voting

    More than 20 countries across the world have compulsory voting laws for their citizens. Eligible citizens are required to register and vote in elections or face penalties like monetary fines or jail time. 

    These laws, practised in countries like Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Brazil and Luxembourg, are intended to stimulate political interest and participation.

    For a country like Nigeria where the voter turnout rate has been dropping since 2003 despite an increase in the number of voters, a compulsory voting law wouldn’t be the worst idea. No longer would youths be playing football in the streets on a day they could be deciding the fate of the country.

    Diaspora voting

    Nigerians in the diaspora have been itching to be a part of the electoral process for years, but the Nigerian electoral system hasn’t warmed up to the idea yet.

    Nigeria can look to countries like Sweden and Australia for lessons on how to make elections more inclusive. Swedes outside Sweden are allowed to cast their votes in advance of election day as long as they’re on the electoral roll. All they need to do is send their vote by post or vote at Swedish embassies and consulates.

    Countries that don’t allow diaspora voting globally are in the minority, and Nigeria is one of them. That can change if we figure out a system that works.

    Electronic voting

    Electronic voting is one of Nigeria’s most prominent electoral battles, but countries like Brazil have hacked the process. Brazilian voters have been using electronic ballot boxes since 2000. An obvious advantage is the speed and transparency. Voters in Estonia also have the option of voting via the internet.

    There are security concerns around electronic voting processes, but it’s not rocket science when we’re ready to commit to it.

    Just gotta figure out all the buttons

    ALSO READ: How You Can Work For INEC During the 2023 Elections

  • This is Zikoko Citizen’s Game of Votes weekly dispatch that helps you dig into all the good, bad, and extremely bizarre stuff happening in Nigeria and why they’re important to you.

    Subscribe now to get the newsletter in your email inbox at 8 am every Friday instead of three days later. Don’t be LASTMA.

    Dear Nigerian Politicians, Don't Make Assassinations Great Again

    There was a time when political assassination, and the dread of it, was a feature of Nigerian politics and everyone was happy to be rid of those bad old days over the past decade. But the ugliness of it crept back in the past week in two significant ways: one real and one theatrically absurd.

    Dear Nigerian Politicians, Don't Make Assassinations Great Again

    On September 11, 2022, gunmen ambushed the convoy of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah (Anambra South – YPP) in Anambra State and killed two police officers and three civilians. His bulletproof vehicle was the only reason the first-time senator escaped death.

    Naturally, many prominent Nigerians condemned the attack for being barbaric. One of them was the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), Peter Obi, who’s a former Anambra State governor. What Obi didn’t know at the time was that he was about to have his own brush with assassination but in the most absurd manner.

    You may remember Festus Keyamo as a social crusader, but he’s also the campaign spokesperson for the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu.

    On September 12, 2022, Keyamo accused Obi of planning to fake an assassination attempt on himself to frame the APC and win some sympathy points. He didn’t provide a source for his allegation other than, “Trust me bro”, but he called the plot a part of the “US Strategy”, like that gives it any sort of authenticity.

    Dear Nigerian Politicians, Don't Make Assassinations Great Again

    Obi’s camp quickly dismissed the allegation and turned it around, tagging it as Tinubu’s camp floating the idea of assassinating the former governor. It wasn’t a surprise that fake reports circulated online later on September 12 that gunmen attacked Obi’s convoy in Abuja.

    Even for someone of Keyamo’s infamous temperament, weaponising assassination ahead of the 2023 general elections is nothing short of reckless, especially in light of the Ubah attack. 

    This isn’t the best time in Nigerian history to bring back the grim days of Bola Ige and Funsho Williams. 

    Dear Nigerian politicians, please apply some decorum.

    What Else Happened This Week?

    The Rise (and Fall) of Ransom Negotiators

    Nigeria’s kidnap-for-ransom industry has grown in leaps and bounds over the past seven years. The industry generates hundreds of millions of naira provided by families of victims. With that much money on the table, it’s only natural that we have seen the rise of a new career option for Nigerians: ransom negotiators. One of them is Tukur Mamu.

    Mamu’s main bread and butter is journalism, but he negotiated the release of some of the train passengers that terrorists kidnapped in March 2022. He has also been very loud about the government ensuring the safe and speedy return of the passengers with two dozen still in captivity six months later.

    The government heard his voice and decided to slam him with charges, accusing him of collaborating with the terrorists. The main charge is that he’s been pretending to be a referee in a game where he’s actually the 12th man for the terrorists.

    The Nigerian government doesn’t have very high regard for ransom negotiators, and Mamu’s developing court trial could set the tone for their future in the Nigerian kidnapping ecosystem.

    Have You Seen This Video?

    Question of the Week

    How long did Nigeria’s second republic last?

    Click here to tweet your answer to @ZikokoCitizen on Twitter.

    Ehen, one more thing…

    Governor Ben Ayade of Cross River State became a punctuality prefect this week when he locked out civil service workers who didn’t resume on time for work at the Government House. 

    It’d be nice to see him transfer that energy into pretending to be a state governor and pay the workers he owes.

  • So much has happened since 2023 presidential candidates got their parties’ tickets that you may be forgiven for thinking election campaigns have started. But the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) won’t officially declare the floor open until September 28th, 2022.

    2023 presidential campaign drama

    This means everything that’s happened over the past few months are just dress rehearsals for the real thing to come. 

    “The game hasn’t started?”

    And if these dramatic moments are anything to go by, we’re in for a very eventful five months before the 2023 election.

    Sowore’s water campaign

    2023 presidential campaign drama

    Not a lot of election candidates in Nigeria are out-of-the-box thinkers like the presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Omoyele Sowore. And he proved this with an election rally inside a lake in May 2022.

    2023 presidential campaign drama

    No one should be too shocked if people from the marine kingdom participate in the 2023 elections.

    Tinubu’s “emi lokan” rant

    What was supposed to be a regular toasting of party delegates is now forever remembered as the day candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu, walked naked into the market square (not literally, thank God). 

    https://twitter.com/DrRayoWright/status/1534877072337711104?s=20&t=DHhMEfGqUmB9jZhd6YKxVQ

    Peter Obi’s special friend

    You’d hope that public office holders can surround themselves with competent special advisers and senior special assistants. But Peter Obi wasn’t shy about letting the public know that one of his most brilliant decisions as Anambra State governor goes all the way back to advice from a mentally-challenged man.

    Shettima’s “fake” priests

    The appearance of what many critics considered to be fake priests at the unveiling of Tinubu’s controversial Muslim-Muslim ticket has also been a notable point of the pre-campaign season. 

    2023 presidential campaign drama

    We still don’t have a clear answer on if those priests are hired fakes or just Z-list clerics no one really knows, but it’s giving shady.

    2023 presidential campaign drama

    Atiku’s aeroplane campaign ad

    The questionable campaign ads haven’t started rolling out yet, but the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, stole the lead with this one about an aeroplane:

    Where did that aeroplane take off, and why does the narrator not sound like the Atiku that’s supposed to be the narrator? Also, has he seen the state of flight ticket prices these days? It’s so bad Osuofia can’t afford to go to even Abuja.

    2023 presidential campaign drama

    Tinubu’s “cassava, garri, ewa” campaign

    Tinubu is fast becoming the lead content creator for the 2023 campaign and this video proves it:

    https://twitter.com/AfricanmanWSP/status/1544441104795312128?s=20&t=1TN-RgU60yjNmCBfHqi9wQ

    ALSO READ: The 2023 Presidential Campaign Promises We Already Find Laughable

  • More than 90 million Nigerians in 176,846 polling units across Nigeria’s 774 local government areas are registered to vote in the 2023 general elections. 

    How You Can Work For INEC During the 2023 Elections

    To pull off a project of that scale, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) needs more people than it has on its payroll. The agency routinely recruits ad-hoc staff for elections and this gives eligible members of the public an opportunity to be part of the process.

    On Wednesday, September 14th, 2022, INEC launched an online portal for the registration of ad-hoc staff for the 2023 elections. Here’s everything you need to know about it if you’re interested.

    First, what are the ground rules?

    INEC requires that applicants for the vacant roles are clear on three things before they apply:

    1. They must not be a member of a political party.

    How You Can Work For INEC During the 2023 Elections

    This really goes without saying, to be honest.

    2. They must not have expressed online support for any candidate or party.

    How You Can Work For INEC During the 2023 Elections

    So, if your social media profile picture is one with your favourite candidate, you may want to change it or don’t bother applying.

    3. They must reside in the state they select for the application.

    How You Can Work For INEC During the 2023 Elections

    There’ll be no remote work, and deployment is done based on the selected state of residence.

    Okay, so what are the available roles?

    INEC has five roles open for members of the public to apply for:

    1. Supervisory presiding officer (SPO) 

    2. Registration area centre (RAC) manager 

    3. Presiding officer (PO) 

    4. Assistant presiding officer (APO) 

    5. Registration area technical support (RATECH)

    The bar of eligibility for these roles varies, but the roles of presiding officer (PO) and assistant presiding officer (APO) are the most common for young Nigerians.

    How You Can Work For INEC During the 2023 Elections

    What makes you eligible to be a PO or APO?

    You can apply for these roles if you’re:

    1. A current member of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC)
    2. A former NYSC member who served between 2018 and 2022
    3. A penultimate year student of any federal or state tertiary institution
    4. A staff of government ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs)

    What do POs and APOs even do?

    A polling unit is typically supervised by a PO who’s supported by four APOs on election day. 

    The PO coordinates all election day activities including sorting, counting and announcement of votes at the polling unit. The four APOs are assigned different tasks ranging from registering and inking voters, verification, statistics and queue control.

    What do I need to apply?

    There are 10 important boxes you need to tick before you even think about starting the registration process:

    Cool. I have everything. What’s next?

    You can head over to INEC’s online portal to start the registration process. 

    Is there a deadline?

    The registration portal will shut down at 8 pm on December 14th, 2022.

    ALSO READ: Is Twitter Influential Enough to Swing the 2023 Presidential Election?

  • Valentine is coming; where’s ya candidate?

    “About a month ago, I liked your pictures” are the lyrics to a song that’s always on the lips of Nigerians every February. But in 2023, that song won’t enjoy its usual annual fame, as Nigerians will be too busy getting ready to vote for their next president on February 25th 2023.

    It’s almost eight years since the tenure of the current administration began and the stakes have never been higher. The battle is on for who’ll become the next Nigerian president

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    …and there’s a long queue of candidates

    Every political party is trying to win the hearts of Nigerians and the action is happening everywhere, including on Twitter where political seduction is in full swing. 

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    As politicians seek to dominate Twitter for the purpose of election, there’s a question that’s become prominent: Is Twitter sentiment influential enough to determine the outcome of the 2023 election?

    But before I attempt to answer the question, an important announcement: this is a non-partisan piece. This piece doesn’t endorse or discredit any candidate. You have your choice to make. Vote wisely.

    What are the numbers saying?

    Let’s start with a statistical dive into the previous elections. After our dive, we’ll analyse and draw some sensible conclusions. I’m not your STS101 lecturer so I won’t be boring, I promise.

    I tried to get INEC’s data from the past elections and it wasn’t a very friendly process. I couldn’t find all I needed concerning the previous elections, but let’s work with the little I found.

    First, what do we know?

    Let’s start with the number of voters.

    At the end of the 2019 elections, INEC declared a total number of 84 million voters. You can verify this on INEC’s home page.

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    INEC’s homepage

    Interestingly, INEC’s post-election report in 2019 indicated that only 36% of those 84 million registered voters turned up to vote on election day. You can access INEC’s summary of 2019’s election here.

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    INEC’s 2019 election result summary

    In the above image, there is a “percentage turnout” at the bottom. This turnout represents the number of people among the registered voters who voted on election day. For example, if Country A has 100 registered voters and 50 people go out to vote on election day, it means the percentage turnout of voters is 50%. 

    The percentage turnout for the 2019 general election reflected a prevailing culture of “chilling at home” on election day among Nigerians who are registered to vote.

    I know what you’re thinking: “But there’ll be more voters for this election.” Of course, there’ll be more voters. The question is how many new voters?

    First, we’ll try to compare the average increase in registered voters every four years, then see what increase we’re working with for 2023.

    Unfortunately, I could only obtain useful data for the 2015 and 2019 elections. Every other data source for the previous election wasn’t directly attributed to INEC, so I decided to leave them out. Let’s look at the 2015 election data obtained from INEC’s report. This data is available for public viewing here.

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    INEC’s 2015 election result summary

    In 2015, 47% of the registered voters showed up for the election but the percentage turnout in 2019 was just 36%. This means that the percentage turnout rate fell by 11% between 2015 and 2019.  In four years, more people decided to abstain from voting on election day.

    What are we expecting on 2023?

    According to INEC reports, the total number of registered voters increased from 67 million in 2015 to 84 million in 2019. This means the number of registered voters grew by 17 million between 2015 and 2019, a whopping 25% growth rate.

    The voters’ registration exercise for the 2023 election ended on July 31st, 2022 and the following day, INEC reported approximately 12.2 million newly-registered voters. 

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    INEC will still verify the new accounts, which means the tally will still likely drop by one or two million, but as it stands Nigeria has 96.2 million voters registered for the 2023 elections. 

    Working with that figure, the question is will they all vote on election day?

    ALSO READ: What We Learned From the PVC Registration Drive Now That It’s Over

    We’re getting somewhere

    From the last two elections, the voter percentage turnout didn’t reach the 50% margin. If that trend is anything to go by, it probably won’t reach 50% in 2023 too.

    But let’s get optimistic and assume all the clamour for greater political participation pays off and more people are ready to exercise their franchise in 2023. If we assume a 50% voter turnout, it means we’re expecting 48.1 million voters on election day. That’s significantly more than the number of voters we’ve seen in the past two elections.

    Twitter and the power within

    The EndSARS protest in 2020 proved beyond doubt that Twitter has a significant influence in Nigeria. The movement started a Twitter trend and permeated global conscience and Nigerians took to the streets to demand change. 

    But we still have to determine if Twitter is influential enough to swing the outcome of the 2023 election.

    Nigeria’s 2023 elections mean a lot to over 200 million citizens, but only an estimated 96.2 million of them have the power to vote. The data raises a question — how many of these registered voters are on the bird app?

    How many registered voters are on Twitter?

    We need to first figure out the question of how many of our expected 48.1 million voters are on Twitter. This isn’t an easy question to answer, but we can do some guesswork.

    Is there a probability that a Twitter user who’ll vote on election day won’t engage with a tweet on a political subject?

    How many retweets and likes can we find on these political tweets? How many tweets do we find under the hottest trends? 10k, 70k, 150k, 300k?

    500k?

    I checked the tweets of all the major presidential candidates and I found that, compared to the others, one of them had an overwhelming edge in popularity on the app. He had more likes and positive comments. So, I just decided to stick with that candidate. I checked through his tweets — all of his tweets, actually, because they were less than 500 in total. His most engaging tweet posted on June 7th, 2022 has 102k likes. 

    Let’s cook further

    I checked the number of Twitter followers of the three major presidential candidates. I  have a “no-name” policy so I’ll refer to them as Candidates A, B and C. At the time of putting this together, the total number of followers these candidates have are 1.3 million, 1.9 million and 4.4 million respectively.

    The reality is that all their followers are not Nigerians. Also, not all their followers own a Permanent Voter’s Card (PVC). It’s also very common for one person to own up to four Twitter accounts and follow the same person on these four accounts. And of course, we also know that buying followers is a possibility.

    Let’s make an “unrealistic” assumption and use the candidate with the highest number of Twitter followers to drive home the point.

    If we place the candidate’s 4.4 million side-by-side with our expected 48.1 million voters, it’s not up to 10%. But are there even 4.4 million Nigerians on Twitter?

    In July 2021, The Cable concluded that the number of Nigeria’s Twitter users is around three million. That publication, heavily referencing a report from Africa Check, estimated the number of Twitter users in Nigeria to be less than 3.4 million.

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    Recent data from Statista highlighted 20 countries with the highest number of Twitter users and Nigeria didn’t make the list. Cuba is currently at the bottom of Statista’s top 20 list with 4.3 million active Twitter users. This means that countries not on that list don’t have up to 4.3 million Twitter users. 

    If Nigeria’s active Twitter users are not up to 4.3 million, then, how many of these “less than 4.3 million” users are registered voters for the 2023 presidential election?

    The plot thickens…

    Twitter can try, but if statistics and numbers mean anything, Twitter alone can’t do too much. If the previous statement is true, then Twitter can’t be described as a major influence on the 2023 elections.

    Of course, Twitter has a soft influence that can snowball into an outsized movement as we saw with EndSARS, but its population alone can’t swing a national election going by just the numbers. The perspective this offers is that the influence battle can start from Twitter but it needs to move offline where the larger populations of voters exist.

    I don’t know who will sit in Aso Rock in 2023 and I choose not to make predictions. But I’m sure of one thing: the presidential election will be filled with unexpected twists, turns and roundabouts. May Nigeria win.

    Twitter and 2023 Presidential Election

    ALSO READ: How to Help Your Presidential Candidate Win Elections in Nigeria


    ‘Leke Olushuyi is an audience-oriented writer. He’s an accountant by day and a writer by night. Leke prides himself in providing content and finance-related services for businesses. He can be found on Twitter @LekeOlushuyi.